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^'1 F 3^t. 



7 



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THE fflSTORY OF INDIA. 



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THE 



HISTORY OF INDIA, 



BY ITS OWl^ HISTORIANS. 



THE MUHAMMADAN PERIOD. 



THE POSTHUMOUS PAPERS 

OP Tm I.ATB 

SIR H. M. ELLIOT, K.C.B., 

EDITED AND CONTINTTED 

BT 

PROFESSOR JOHN DOWSON, M.R.A.S.. 

■TATF COLLSOS, BAKDHVIfT. 



YOL YII. 



LONDON: 

TKIJBNER and CO., 57 akd 59, LXTDGATE HILL. 

1877. 
[AU rights reHrved."] 



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ITKPBSM AUSTIN AND 80MS, 




PUNTBR8, HKRTFORD. 



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PREFACE. 



The present Volume contains the history of the reigns 
of Shah'Jahdn, Aurangzeb, Bah&dur Shah, Jahandar 
Shah, and Farrukh-Siyar, of the little brief authority 
of Rafi'u-d Daula and Eafi'u-d Darajdt, and of the 
early years of the reign of Muhammad Shdh. 

Several works hitherto unknown to the European 
reader are here brought to notice. The history of the 
reign of Shah Jahan is derived from the Eddshdh-ndma 
of 'Abdu-1 Hamid and from other Bddshdh^ndmas and 
Shdh-Jahdn-ndmas. The special works relating to the 
reign of Aurangzeb have been examined and the most 
interesting passages translated; but the history of his 
long rule, and of the subsequent times which appear 
in this Volume, has been derived from the great work 
of Khafi Kh&n, a contemporary history of high and 
well-deserved repute. This important history is well 
known at second-hand. All European historians of the 
period which it covers have been greatly indebted, 
directly or indirectly, to its pages. Elphinstone and 
Grant Duff used it, and they refer to a MS. trans- 
lation by "Major Gordon, of the Madras Army." 
It is not known what has become of this MS. trans- 



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VI PREFACE. 

lation, for the inquiries made after it have met with 
no success. Not a line of translation had been pro- 
vided by Sir H. M. Elliot; so this heavy labour has 
fallen upon the Editor, who has provided the 330 
pages of print which the work occupies, as well as the 
long translation from the Bddahdh-ndma. 

Ample and very diversified matter remains for the 
concluding volume. 

The following is a list of the articles in this volume, 
with the names of their respective writers : — 

LXI. — P^h^-n^ma of Muhammad Kazwfnf — Editor. 
LXII.— Bddshah-ndma of 'Abdu-l Hamld— Editor. 
LXIII.— Sh^ Jah^-ndma of 'Inayat Khdn— Major Fuller. 
LXIV. — BadsMh-ndma of Muhammad Waris— Editor. 
LXV.— 'Amal-i Sdlih— Editor. 

LXYI. — Shah Jah^-n^ma of Muhammad Sadik — Editor. 
LXYII.— Majdlisu-B SaMtln— Sir H. M. Elliot and muMhU. 
LXVIII.— T&^kh-i Mufazzall 
LXIX.— Mir-dt-i 'Alam „ „ 

LXX.— Z(natu-t Tawarlkh— Sir H. M. EUiot. 
LXXI.— Lubbu-t Tawdr(kh-i Hind „ „ 

LXXII.— *Alamg(r-nAma— Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor. 
LXXIII.— Ma-dsir-i 'Alamgfri— Sir H. M. EUiot and '*Lt. Perkins." 
LXXIV.— Futuhtt-i 'Alamglrf— Sir H. M. Elliot and Editor. 
LXXV.— Tdr(kh-i Mulk-i Asham „ „ 

LXXVI.— Wakai' of Ni'amat Khan „ „ 

LXXVII. — Jang-n£ma of Ni'amat Kh^ „ „ 

LXXVIII.— Ruka'dt-i 'AlamgW— Sir H. M. Elliot. 
LXXIX.— Muntakhabu-1 Lubfl) of Khiiff KMn— Article by Sir H. 

M. Elliot — all the translation by the Editor. 
LXXX.— T^kh'of Irddat £Ma— Captain Jonathan Scott. 
LXXXl.— Tdr(kh-i Bah^ur Sh^— "Lieutenant Anderson." 
LXXXII.— Tdrfkh-i Sh4h 'Alam BahMur Shdh— Editor. 
LXXXIII.—'Ibrat-ndma— Editor. 



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CONTENTS OF VOL. VIT. 



PAOB. 

LXI. — Padthdh-ndma, of Muhammad Amln Eazwfni - - 1 
LKI1.—Bdd8hdh'ndfna, of 'Abdu-l Hamfd LdhoH ... 3 

LXin.—Shdh Jahdn-ndma, of 'In&yat EMn 73 

I^Kiy.—Bddshdh-ndma, of Mohammad Wdris - - - - 121 

LXY. —'AfMl-i Sdlih, of Muhammad S&lih Eambu - - 123 

ULVL—Shdh Jahdn-ndma, of Muhammad SMik Ehdn - - 133 

JjXyjl.—Mqfdltsu-» Saldtin, of Muhammad Sharif Hanaft - 134 

LXYin.—Tdrikh'i Mufasaudi, of Mufazzal EMu .... 141 

,^. , . ^ , ' , J of Bakhttwar Khin - - 145 
Jmr-at't Jandn-wumdy ) 

LXX.^.Zinatu-t Tlmdrikh, of 'Azfzu-Uah 166 

LXXl.—ZubhU't Tawdrikh'i Hind, of BAi Bh&rd Mai - - 168 

LXXTL — ^ Alamgy-ndma, of Muhammad K&zim - - - - 174 

LXXni.— ifo-iinr-t 'Alamgkiy of Muhammad S&i Musta'idd 

Khto 181 

'LSJnN,—FwhMU 'AlamgM, of Muhammad Ma'sum - - 198 

LXXY.— rdHM-t MiOk'i Ashdm, of Shahiibu-d din T^IAsh - 199 

LXXYI.— Fiiitaf', of Ni'amatBMh 200 

LXXYII. — Jang-ndma, of Ni'amat Khin 202 

LXXYm.— jStiib'a^f 'Alamgkri, of the Emperor Aurangzeb - 203 

LXXIX.— iftm^aiUa^-/ Zti^dd, of Kh&fi EMa 207 

LXXX.— TKrttA, of Irddat Khdn 634 

lJaSl.—Tdrm-i Bahddur ahdhi 565 

UJiXlL.—Tdrikh-%ShdyAhmBahddur8hdki 568 

LXXXIII.— 'i^o^nefma, of Muhammad E&sim 569 



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ERRATA IN VOL. VII. 

Page 81, /or " 1241 a.h." twd " 1041 a.h." 
„ 32,>br « 1240 a.h/' read " 1040 a.h." 
„ 33,/or " 1241 A.H." TMd " 1041 a.h." 
,, 463,/or *< Mohakkim Singh/' read " Mohkam Singh." 



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HISTORIANS OF ITOIA. 



LXI. 

or 

MUHAMMAD AMtN KAZWtNt. 

[The author of this work in his preface gives it the title of 
Pddshdh'fidma^ but, like several other histories of the reign of 
Sb&h Jah&n, it is often called Shdh-Jahdn-ndma^ and sometimes 
more specifically Tdrtkh-i Shdh-Jahdni Dah-sdla, The full name 
of the author is Muhammad Amfn bin Abu-1 Hasan Kazwini, 
but he is ^miliarly known as Amin&i Kazwinf, Amin&i Munshi, 
or Mirzd Amin&. He was the first who received orders to write 
a history of the reign of Sh&h Jah&n. The orders were given, 
as he tells us, in the eighth year of Sh&h Jah&n, and he com- 
pleted this work, comprising the history of the first ten years 
of the reign, and dedicated it to Sh&h Jah&n in the twentieth 
year of that Emperor's reign. 

The author in his preface says that he has divided his work 
into an Introduction, containing on account of the Emperor's life 
from his birth to his accession; a Discourse (makdla)^ comprising 
the history of the first ten years of his reign ; and an Appendix, 
containing notices of holy and leanied men, physicians and 
poets. He also mentions his intention of writing a second 
volume, bringing down the history to the twentieth year of 
Shah Jah&n's reign. But he does not appear to have carried 

VOL. VII. 1 



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2 MUHAMMAD AMFN KAZWFNr. 

out his design, having probably been prevented by his appoint- 
ment to a busy office, for Muhammad S&Iih, in a short biography 
of the author, says that he was transferred to the Intelligence 
Departments 

This history of Amin&i Kazwini has been the model upon 
which most of the histories of Sb&h Jahan have been formed. 
^Abdtt-1 Hamidy the author of the Bdckhdh-ndma, follows its 
arrangement, and although he makes no acknowledgment of the 
&ct, his work comprises the same matter, and differs from it only 
in style. 

Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a small folio of 297 pages of 
twenty-one lines each. It is fairly written, but all the rubrics 
are omitted. There is a copy in the Library of the Boyal 
Asiatic Society, and three copies in the British Museum.] ^ 

^ [This article lias been takeh almost exclusively from Mr. Morley's Catalogue of 
the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.] 



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LXII. 

OP 

'ABDU-L HAMfD L^^HORt. 

[This is a history of the first twenty years of the reign of 
Sh&h Jah&n, composed by 'Abdn^l Hamid L&hori. Little is 
known of the author, but Muhammad S&Iih, in his 'Amal-i Sdlih 
(No. LXIV.), informs us that 'Abdu-1 Hamid was celebrated for 
the beauty of his style, and that he died in 1065 A.h. (1654 A.D.). 
''Abdu-l Hamid himself says in his preface, that the Emperor 
desired to find an author who could write the memoirs of his 
reign in the style of Abti-l Fazl's Akbar-ndma ; and that he, 
'Abda-1 Hamid, had studied and greatly admired Abti-l Fazl's 
style. He was recommended to the Emperor for tbe work, and 
was called from Patna^jwhere he was living in retirement, to 
undertake the composition. His patron was the excellent 
minister 'AU&mi Sa'du-Ua Kh&n. 

The contents of the work are : A Preface, in which the author 
dedicates his work to Sh&h Jah&n. A description of the 
Emperor's horoscope. A concise account of his ancestors, com- 
mencing with Timur. A brief review of the proceedings of 
Sb&h Jah&n before his accession to the throne. A detailed 
history of the first twenty years of the reign divided into two 
cycles of ten years each. The work comprises, also, an enumera- 
tion of the princes of the blood royal ; of the nobles of the 
Court, arranged according to their respective ranks, from those 
commanding 9000 to those of 500 horse ; and an account of the 



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4 'ABDU-L HAMfD LXHOEf. 

shaikhs, learned men, physicians and poets who flourished daring 
the period embraced by the history. 

The Badshdh-ndma is the great authority for the reign of 
Sh&h Jahan. Muhammad S&lih, a younger and rival writer, 
speaks of the author in the highest terms, and '' Kh&fl Kh&n, 
the author of the Muntakhabu-l Lubdb, has based his history of 
the first twenty years of Shdh Jahin's reign almost entirely on 
this work. The greatest objection to the work is the author's 
style, which is of that adulterated kind introduced into India 
apparently by the brothers Abu-1 Fazl and Faizi." ^ 'Abdu-1 
Hamid was, as he himself states, a professed admirer and 
imitator of Abu-1 FacFs style ; and when he is dealing with a 
subject demanding his eloquence, his style is as verbose, targid 
and fulsome as that of his master. Happily, however, he is not 
always- in a magniloquent vein, but narrates simple &cts in 
simple language, blurred only by occasional outbreaks «f his 
laboured rhetoric. 

The work is most ^voluminous, and forms two bulky volumeB of 
the Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 pages. It enters into 
most minute details of all the transactions in which the Emperor 
was engaged, the pensions and dignities conferred upon the 
various members of the royal iamily, the titles granted to the 
nobles, their changes of office, the augmentations of their mansabs^ 
and it gives lists of all the varioHs presents given and received on 
public occasions, such as -the vernal equinox, the royal birthday, 
the royal accession, etc. Thus the work contains a great amount 
of matter of no interest to any one but the nobles and courtiers 
of the time. But it would not be fair to say that it is filled with 
these trifles ; there is far too much of them : but still there is a 
solid substratum of historical matter, from which the history of 
this reign has been drawn by later writers. 

MSS. of the Bddshdh'ndma are common, and some fine copies 
are extant. Mr. Morley describes one belonging to the Boyal 

^ [Col. Leet, Jour. E.A. toI. iii. n.s.] 

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BAOSHAH-NAMA. 5 

Asiatic Society as '* a most excellent specimen of the Oriental 
art of caligraphy,'" and Ool. Lees says : '* The copy of the second 
part of the Bcuhhdh-ndma which has been used for this edition 
(Bibliotheca Indica) is the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is 
written by Muhammad S&lih Kambti, the author of the 'AmaUi 
Sdlihj and bears on the margin the autograph of the Emperor 
Sh&h Jah&n.^ The following Extracts have all been selected and 
translated by the Editor from the printed text.] ^ 

EXTRACrS. 

[Text, vol. t. pv 69.] The Emperor Jah&ngir' died on the 
28th Safer, a.h. 1037 (28th October, 1627), at the age of fifty- 
eight years and one month, solar reckoning. Prince Shahriy&r, 
from hi» want of capacity and intelligence, had got the nickname 
of Nd-shudani, " Good-for-nothing,*' and was commonly known 
by that appellation. He now cast aside all honour and shame, 
and before Sh&h Jah&n had started (from the Dakhin), he re- 
pudiated his allegiance, and went off in hot haste to Lahore to 
advance his own interest». Nur Mahal, who had been the cause 
of much strife and contention, now clung to the vain idea of 
retaining the reins of government in her grasp, as she had 
held them during the reign of the late Emperor. She wrote 
to Na-shndanI, advising him to collect as many men as he could, 
and hasten to her. 

Yaminu-d daula Asaf Eh&n and Iridat Eh&n, who always 
acted together, determined that, as Sh&h Jah&n was far away 
from Agra, it was necessary to take some steps to prevent 
disturbances in the city, and to get possession of the princes 
Muhammad D&r& Shukoh, Muhammad Sh&h Shuj&\ and 
Muhammad Aurangzeb, who were in the female apartments with 
Nur Mahal. They therefore resolved that for some few days 

1 [This article has been compned by the Editor from 'Abdu-l Hamfd's preface, Sir 
H. If. Elliot's notes, Mr. Motley's notice in the Catalogue of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, and Col. Lees' article in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 
iii. N.8.] 

* Bis title after death was *< Janrnt-inakdnV* 



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6 'ABDU-L HAMTD LAHOBF. 

they would raise to the throne Bal&ki, the fion of Khusrd, who, 
by Nur Mahal's contrivance, had been placed with Nd-shudani, 
but who had been put under the charge of Ir&dat Eh&n by 
Jah&ngir when N&-shudani returned to Lahore from Kashmir. 
* * So they placed Bul&ki on horseback, and, with a party 
of men in whom they had full confidence, they commenced their 
march, taking care to keep one day ahead of Nur Mahal. * * 
As the young princes were not safe with Nur Mahal, they 
removed her from the royal palace, and took the young princes 
under their own charge ; but when Buldki had been raised to the 
tlirone, they were placed in charge of S&dik Eh&n. 

Accession of 8hdh Jahdn. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 82.] Sh&h Jahan ascended the throne at 
Agra on the 18th Jumdda-s s&nl, 1037 a.h. (6th Feb. 1628), 
with the title of Abu-1 Muzaffar Shah&bu-d din Muhammad 
S&hib Kir4n-i s&ni« 

Rebellion of Jqjhdr Singh. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 238.] Jajh&r Singh was son of Rdj& Nar 
Singh Deo Bundela, who rose into notice by killing Shaikh Abu-1 
Fazl, the celebrated author of the Akbar-ndma^ when Jah&ngir 
was heir apparent. * In obedience to orders from the Emperor 
Akbar, the Shaikh was hastening to Court from the Dakhin 
with a small escort. Jah&ngir was jealous of the Shaikh'^s de- 
votion to his father, and was apprehensive that his arrival would 
interfere with his own plans. ♦ * So he incited Nar Singh 
Deo to kill him as he passed through his territory. This evil- 
minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force of horse and 
foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shaikh. The followers of the 
Shaikh advised him to fly and escape, but he refused, and fell in 
the year 1011 a.h. (1602 a.d.). After the accession of Jah&ngir 
to the throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction 
through this wicked deed. But his evil nature was unable to 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 7 

bear his prosperity, and towards the end of the reign of Jahingir 
he became dfsaffected, and oppressed all the zaminddrs in his 
neighbonrhood. * * He died three or four months before 
Jahingir, and was succeeded by his son Jajh&r Singh. The 
wealth and property which Nar Singh Deo had amassed without 
labour and without trouble unsettled the mind of his worthless 
successor Jajhar, and at the accession of Sh&h Jah&n, * * he 
left the capital Agra, and proceeded to Ifndcha, his stronghold, 
where he set about raising forces, strengthening the forts, pro- 
viding munitions of war and closing the roads. A force was 
accordingly sent against him, under the command of Mah&bat 
Khan Kh&n-kh&n&n. [^The Imperial forces converged upon 
JTndcha, and"] Jajh&r Singh, having no hope of escape, waited 
upon Kh&n-kli&n&n and made his submission. Just at this 
time intelligence arrived that 'Abdu-lla Kh&n had taken the 
fortress of Trich,^ which had been in the possession of Jajh&r 
Singh. 

Second Yeab of thk Reign, 1038 a.h. (20th December, 

1628 A.D.). 

[Text, vol. i. p. 272.] The anniversary of the accession was 
on the 1st of Jum&da-s s&ni. After the death of Jah&ngir, and 
before the accession of Sli&h Jahdn, Kh&n-Jah&n Lodi entered 
upon a dangerous and disloyal course. * * He formed an alliance 
with Niz&mu-l Mulk, and gave up to him the B&l&ghdt in the 
Dakhin,^ the revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krora of dams. 
But Sipahd&r Khfin, who held Ahmaduagar, bravely and loyally 
refused to surrender that city. Kh&n-Jah&n summoned to his 
presence all the Imperial servants who were ii^ those parts. He 
left a small force at Burh&npur under the command of Sikandar 
Dot&ni, who was related to him, while he himself marched with a 
large force to M&ndu, with the intention of taking possession of 

1 65 miles S.£. of Gw&lior. 

* Kb4ff Kh&n says the temptation was six laet ofpa^odat. — Muntakhabu^l Lubdh, 
p. 411 ; but see ante Vol. YI. p. 433. 



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8 'ABDTJ-L HAMFD UCHORr. 

M&lwa, which province was then under the government of Mir 
^Abda-r Sazz&k, who had received the title of MUzaffar Eh&n. 
Sh&h Jah&n proceeded from Ahmad&b&d by way of Ajmir to 
^ra, and there ascended the throne. * * The news of this 
event awakened Eh4n-Jah&n and brought him to a sense of his 
folly and wickedness. B&j& Gaj Singh, Bdj& J&i Singh, and 
other distinguished B&jputs who had accompanied him to 
M&ndu, parted from him when they heard of Sh&h Jah&n 
having arrived at Ajmir. Thereupon Kh&n-Jah&n wrote a 
letter of contrition and obedience, in the hope of obtaining 
forgiveness. 

A ToyaXfarmdn was sent in answer, informing him that he was 
confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, and directing him 
to return at once to Burh&npur. He then retired from M&lwa 
to Burh&upur, and engaged in the duties of his office. But when 
it was reported to the Emperor that the country of B&l^h&t, 
which Eh&n- Jah&n had given to Niz&mu-l Mulk, still remained 
in his possession, and had not been recovered, the Emperor 
appointed Mah&bat Kh&n to the governorship of the Dakhin. 
Eh&n-Jah&n then returned to Court. The Emperor paid little 
heed to the reports and observations about his improper conduct, 
and for eight months passed no rebuke upon him. He still 
continued moody and discontented, and ready to listen to the 
incitements and suggestions of mischievous men. * ♦ One night 
Lashkari, son of Mukhlis Eh&n, in a malicious, mischief-making 
spirit, told the son of Eh&n-Jah&n that he and his father were 
to be made prisoners on the following day or the next. * ♦ 
The son told his lather, whose apprehensions were instantly 
aroused by this malicious report, and he kept close to his quarters 
with two thousand Afgh&n followers. His Majesty asked 
Yaminu-d daula Xsaf Eh&n the reason why Eh&n-Jah&n did 
not attend the darbdr, and after inquiry had been made, it was 
ascertained that he had fears and suspicions, and he begged for 
a letter under the Emperor's signature, forgiving him all his 
offences, and relieving him from all his fears. * ♦ The 



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BADSHAH.NAMA. 9 

Emperor ^^racionsly acceded to his request, and sent him a kind 
letter under his own hand. He then came to Court and paid his 
respects. But Fortune was aggrieved with him, and so his per- 
verse temper prevented him from appreciating the Emperor^s 
kindness. 

On the night of Safiur 26, the men of Yaminu-d daula brought 
in the intelligence that Kh&n-Jah&n meditated flight, and he 
sent to inform the Emperor. * * After the first watch of the 
night. Khan- Jah&n, with his nephew Bah&dor and other relation» 
and adherents, began his flight. As soon as the Emperor wa» 
informed of it,, he sent Khw&j» Abu-1 Hasan and * "* in 
pursuit of the fugitive. Unmind&l of the smallness of their 
own force and the numbers of the Afgh&nSy they followed them 
and overtook them in the vicinity of Dholptin^ The fugitives 
saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters of the 
Chambal were before them and the fire of the avenging sword 
behind. So they posted themselves in the rugged and difficult 
ground on the bank of the river, and, fearing to perish in the 
waters, they resolved upon battle. * * [ After many were 
killed and wounded']^ Eh&n- Jah&n, with his two sons and several 
followers, resolved to hazard the passage of the Ohambal, although 
the water was running high. He and hi& followers, wounded 
and unwounded, in great peril and with great exertion, succeeded 
in crossing over, thus escaping from the fire of battle and the 
waters of the stream. Many horses and much baggage fell into 
the hands of the royal forces. * * A party gathered to follow 
up the fogitives, but on reaching the bank of the river, it was 
found that it could not be crossed without boats, and an endea- 
vour was made to collect some. Ehw&ja Abu-1 Hasan came up 
when onepahar of the day remained, and after consultation it 
was resolved to stay there for the night, and rest the horses, which 
had made a long and fatiguing march. Boats were collected, and 
the whole force passed over before noon next day, and recommenced 

> Dholpdr is about thirty-five miles from Agra near the left bank of the ChambaL 

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10 'ABDU-L HAMID LAHOEf. 

the chase. But the fugitives pressed forward with all haste, and 
threw themselyes into the jungles of Jajh&r Singh Bundela. 

When the traitor (Khdn-Jahdn) entered the territory of 
Jajh&r Singh Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the Dakhin ; 
but his eldest son Bikram&jit was at home, and sent the rebel 
out of the territory by unfrequented roads. If Birkram&jit had 
not thus favoured his escape, he would have been either taken 
prisoner or killed. He proceeded to 6ondw&na, and after staying 
there some time in disappointment and obscurity, he proceeded 
by way of Bir&r to the country of Burh&n Niz&mu-l Mulk. 

Third Ybab op the Eeiqn, 1039 a.h. (1629 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. i. p. 300.] On the 2l8t Ramazdn Khwdja Abu-1 
Hasan and ♦ ♦ * altogether about 8000 horse, were sent to effect 
the conquest of N&sik and Trimbak ^ and Sangamnir. It was 
settled that the Khw&ja was to stay at some suitable position near 
the fort of Alang ^ during the rainy season until he was joined by 
Sher Eh4n from the province of Gujar&t with his provincial levies. 
After the end of the rains he was to march by way of Bagl&na, and, 
taking with him some of the zaminddrs of the country, make his 
way to N&sik. The Eliw&ja marched from Burh&npur, and in 
eight days reached the village of Dholiya,' near the fort of Alang, 
and there halted until the rains should cease. * * Sher Kh&n, 
Subaddr of Gujardt, joined with 26,000 men, and the Khw&ja 
sent him to attack the fort of B&tora, in the vicinity .of 
Gh&ndor, near Nasik and Trimbak. Sher Kh&n ravaged the 
country, and returned with great spoil. 

Murder of Jddii Rdi, 
[Text, vol. i. p. 308.] J&du Rdi, with his sons, grandsons, 

1 ThiB name Ib here written (^JojJ , bnt afterwards CS^Ji. The real name 
is Tirambak or Trimbak. It is a little west of N&sik. 
' The text here has "Lalang/' but afterwards *' Alang." 
' About half way between Burh&npCir and N&sik. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. H 

and other relations, held altogether from the Imperial Gkyernment 
mansiAs amounting to 24,000 (personal), and 15,000 horse. He 
also had Bjmiry jdgirs in the Dakhin as tankhwdh^ so that he lived 
in wealth and comfort. But he was fickle and unfaithful, and went 
with his sons and relations to join the Niz&m. But the Niz&m 
well knew his perfidy, and resolved to put him in confinement. 
For this purpose the Nizdm arranged with some of his servants to 
seize J&du B&i, and he summoned him to his presence. Accord- 
ingly J&du attended the Court with his family. The armed men 
who were in concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him, 
his two sons TJjl& and Baghu, and his grandson Baswant. His 
brother Jagdeo B&i, with Bah&dur-ji his son, his wife and the 
others who escaped, fled from Daulat&b&d to Sindghar, near 
J&lnapur,^ in their native country. 

Campaign against Nizam Shah and Khdn-Jahdn, 

[Text, vol. i. p. 316.] 7th Babi'u-1 awwal. When the rains 
were over, ^Azani Eh&n and the great nobles who were with him 
left Dewalganw,^ where they had rested during the rainy season, 
and marched against the rebel Afgh&ns. * * 

At the conclusion of the rains, Ehw&ja Abu-1 Hasan also, 
according to orders, marched from the vicinity of the fort of 
Alang by way of Bagl&na towards N&sik and Trimbak. When 
he reached Bagl&na, the zaminddr of that country, by name 
Bahar-ji, met him with four hundred horse. ♦ ♦ The Khw&ja 
entered the enemy's country by way of the gh&t of Jar&hi. He 
found that the revenue officers and raiyats had left their villages, 
and had retired into the jungles and hills. So the country was 
desolate, com was dear, and the soldiers of the royal army were in 
want of necessaries. The Khw&ja then sent detached forces into 
the hills, and also into the inhabited country, and they returned 
from each raid with abundance of com and other necessaries, 
having killed or taken prisoners many of the enemy. The 
^ Or J&ln&, east of Aurang&b&cL * About 60 miles S. of Borh&np^lr. 



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12 'ABDU-L HAMID LXHOEf. 

Be-Niz&m^ now appointed Mahald&r Eh4n with a party of horse 
and foot to yex the royal army at night with rockets. He was also 
directed to attack the parties sent out to gather fuel and fodder, 
and to carry off their camels and bullocks whenever he could 
get a chance. Sh&h-naw&z Eh&n was sent against these as- 
sailants, and he, making a forced march of twenty kos, attacked 
them and put them to flight, and returned with great plunder. 
The Khw&ja next sent Kh&n-zam4n to attack the enemy^s camp 
at Sangamnir. This force made forced marches, and reached tlie 
camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the fort of 
Chdndor. ♦ ♦ 

At the close of the rains, the royal army left its quarters in 
Dewalg&nw, and marched forth against the^ Niz&m-Sh&his and 
the Afghans. On hearing of this, Mukarrab Kh&n and the 
other rebels left Jfilnapur, where they had passed the rainy 
season, and retreated towards P&thri.^ 'Azam Eh&n, being 
informed of their retreat, followed them march by march. When 
he reached the village of B&mbhuri, on the B&n-ganga river, he 
learnt that the Niz&m-Sh&his had ascended the B&I&gh&t at 
Dh&r6r,' and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, while 
Eh&n-Jah&n had not yet left his quarters at Bir.' Eh&n-Jah&n, 
having been informed of the movements of the Imperial army, 
called in a detachment which he had sent to collect the revenues in 
the dependencies of Bir, and awaited the arrival of reinforcements 
from Mukarrab Eb&n, who was at Dh&rur. ^Azam Eli&n conceived 
the design of attacking the forces of the rebel Kh&n before the 
reinforcements could reach him ; so he marched from Rambhuri to 
Mahg&nw. Here he received a message from Saf-shikan Eh&n 
Bazwi, commandant of the fort of Bir, informing him that Eh&n- 
Jah&n was at B&jaur(, twenty-four kos from Machhli-g&nw, 
employed in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had 
obtained by plundering the merchants at Eehun and Kior&i. 

^ ** No ruler." This ia the nickname which the author invariably uses in referring 
to Niz&m Sh&h. 
' Between the Parna and God&varf rivers, about thirty miles from their junction. 
' Bir and Bh&rtir both lie on the road east of Ahmadnagar. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 13 

Several detachments which had been sent oat to make collections 
had rejoined him, and as he had heard of the arrival of the 
Imperial army at P&thri, he had made up his mind to move off 
as soon as it came nearer to Bir. 

^Azam Kh&n left a detachment in charge of his camp at 
Machhli-g&nw to follow him qtiietly while be marched off after 
night-fall to attack the rebels. Four gharia of night remained 
-when he reached Pipalnir, six koa from Bir, when he directed 
Saf-shikan Kh&n to make a demonstratiom with his force on 
£han-Jah&B''s flank, so that he might think this small force to 
be the whole of the royal army, and refrain from moving away* 
Saf-shikan Eh&n accordingly drew out hie force upon a ridge 
about a ko% in front of the rebel army, which had taken post at 
the foot of the hills about four kos from Bir. 'Aziz, son of Kh&n* 
Jah4n, advanced to attack Saf-shikan with a body of his father^s 
troops, and at this juncture 'Azam Kh&n came up with the main 
body of the royal army, and ^Aziz was compelled to fall back in 
disorder to his father, whom he informed that the force which 
bad first shown itself was Saf-shikan Khdn'^s division, and that the 
whole of the royal army was coming up with all possible haste. 

Eh&n-Jah&n, when he found that his netreat was cut off*, 
determined to fight it out. * * But the royal troops forced 
their way to the top of the hill. Eh&n-Jah&n sent away the 
elephant litter with his women to Siu-g&nw,^ and then rallied 
bis troops for a struggle. He sent his nephew Bah&dur, in 
whose courage and daring he had great confidence, against 
Bah&dur Eh&n and some others of the royal army, who, being 
few in number, were very hard pressed. They dismounted, and, 
resolving to sell their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate 
struggle, and slew many of the enemy. Bah&dur Kh&n received 
two wounds from arrows, one in his foce, the other in his side, 
and several of his comrades were slain.^ Narhar D&s also and 

^ About 40 miles N.E. of Ahmadnagar. 

' Or as the author grandiloquently ezpreasee it : " The field of battle haying been 
made dark aa night by the clouds of dnst, his companions cast themselves like moths 
npon the flames of the fire-flaahing swords." 



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14 'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORI. 

many B&jputs fell. Sipahd&r Kh&n and others, who had noounted 
the hill on the right, seeing the state of the battle, took shelter 
behind a stone wall, and kept up a discharge of arrows^ B&j& 
Bihdr Singh Bandela now came up from the right wing to support 
Bah&dur Eh&n. He joined valiantly in the struggle, and many 
of his men were killed. Baja J&i Singh and other r&j&s who were 
on another part of the hill, also joined in the fight. 'Azapi 
£hdn next came up in haste, and ordered a part of the left wing 
to advance. At this time, when many of the Imperial officers 
had fallen, and the result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven 
fell upon the royal forces. The ill-starred Bahddur, observing 
the successive arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries, lost 
heart, and turned to flee with his Afghfins. His &ther also 
fled. As the discomfited rebels hurried down the hill, they were 
harassed by showers of arrows and bullets, A ball struck 
Bah&dur Kh&n, and he was unable to continue his flight. Paras 
Bdm, a servant of B&j& Bihdr Singh'^s, came up and despatched 
him with his dagger ; then he cut off his head^ and sent it with 
his ring, horse and weapons, to B&j& Bih&r Singh, who forwarded 
them to 'Azani Kh&n. The Kh&n gave the horse to the man 
who had slain Bah&dur, the ring he sent to the Emperor, and 
the head he caused to be set up as a warning over the gate of Bir. 

Tlie royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos^ and put 
many of them to the sword. But as the victors had been in the 
saddle from the first watch in the evening of one day to the 
third watch of the next day, and had marched more than thirty 
ko8, men and beasts were both worn . out, and were unable to go 
further. 'Azam Kh&n then called a halt, to allow of a little 
rest, and to give stragglers time to come up. 

Kh&n-Jahfin and his followers, whose horses were fresh, took 
advantage of this to improve their distance ; but 'Azam Kh&n 
sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces that were in Bir to 
maintain the pursuit, and he himself after a brief interval, 
followed with the main force. When Kh&n-Jah&n learnt that 
the victors were in full pursuit, he removed his ladies from the 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 15 

howda in which thej had been carried by a female elephant, 
and mounting them on horses rode away with them. Darwesh 
Mnhammad, with a party of pursuers, captured the elephant and 
hotcdoy and made a number of Afgh&ns and their women prisoners. 
Most of Kh&n- Jah&n's men who escaped were wounded, and in 
their panic they were able to carry off nothing but the clothes they 
wore and the horses they rode. Eh&n-Jah&n, with a few faith- 
ful followers, escaped into the hill-country. * ^ 'Azam Khan 
halted at Bir, to give his army a little rest. * * Eh&n-Jah&n 
then proceeded from Siu-g&nw to Biz&pur^ and Bhonsla, in the 
Niz&ro-Sh&hi territory, with the design of going to Daulat&bad. 
On hearing of this movement, 'Azam Eh&n marched from Bir 
towards Siu-g&nw with 20,000 horse. 

At this time, S&hu-j( Bhonsla, son-in-law of J&du B&i, the 
Hindu commander of Niz&ni Sh&h's army, came in and joined 
'Azam Kh&n. After the murder of J&du B&i, which has been 
mentioned above, S&hu-ji broke off his connexion with Nizdm 
Sh&h, and, retiring to the districts of Puna and Ch&kna, he wrote 
to 'Azam Kh&n, proposing to make his submission upon receiving 
a promise of protection. 'AzamEh&n wrote to Court, and received 
orders to accept the proposal. S&liu-ji then came and joined 
him with two thousand horse. He received a mansab of 6000,* 
a khirat, a gift of two lacs of rupees, and other presents. 
His brother Mina-ji received a robe and a mansab of 3000 
personal and 1500 horse. S&m&ji son of S&hu-ji, also re- 
ceived a robe and a mansab of 2000 personal and 1000 horse. 
Several of their relations and dependents abo obtained gifts and 
marks of distinction. 

Ehfin-Jah&n and Daryd Eh&n, when they heard of the 
march of the Imperial forces towards Sf u-g&nw, quitted Biz&pur 
and Bhonsla, and went to the village of L&sur, ten kos from 
Daulat&b4d. Niz&m Sh&h also, on.being informed of this advance, 
withdrew from Niz&m&b&d, which he had built outside of the fort 

^ About 25 miles W. of Anrang&b&d. 

* *< 6000 personal and 6000 horse."— JTA^/T Khan, p. 435. 



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16 'ABDTJ-L HAMfD LAHORf. 

of Daulat&b&d, and around which his adherents had built various 
houses and edifices, and entered into the fort itself. Kh&n- 
Jah&n and Dary& Kh&n, no longer deeming it safe to remain at 
Lasur, went to f r-Eahtala, half a kos from Daulatabdd, and a 
few days later Kh&n-Jah4n removed his family to Aub&Bh-darra, 
a plaee within cover of Daulat&b&d. Daryd Kh&n, with a thou- 
sand Afghdns, separated from Eh4n-Jah&n, marched towards 
Gh&ndor, and the gh&t of Gh&lis-g&nw,^ with the intention of 
attacking Andol and Dharan-g&nw. 

This movement being reported to the Emperor, ♦ ♦ he appointed 
'Abdu-Ua Eh&n, whom he had summoned from the B&l&gh&t, to 
act against Darya Eh&n, and sent him off on the 10th Jum&da-l 
awwal. Daryfi Eh&n had ravaged Andol, Dharan-g&nw, and 
sundry other places of the P&yin-gh&t of Gh&lis-g&nw ; but on 
hearing of the approach of *Abdo-lla Eh&n, be turned back to 
the B&l&gh&t. Want of rain and the ravages of the Niz&m- 
Sh&his and Afgh&ns, had made provisions very scarce about 
Danlat&bad ; so 'Azam Eh&n did not deem it prudent to advance 
in that direction, but thought it preferable to march against 
Mukarrab Eh&n and Bahlol, who were at Dh&rur and Amba- 
jog&i, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by a letter 
from Yaminu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he marched 
towards the gh&t by way of M&nik-dudh. (After some fighting) 
the royal forces ascended the gh&t and took the village of D&man- 
g&nw, twenty kos from Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched 
to Jamkhir,^ in the Niz&m-Sh&hi territories. * * Leaving a force 
there, he next day proceeded to Tilangi. The garrison of the 
fort there had set it in order, and opened fire upon him. * * But 
in the course of one watch he took it by assault, put many of the 
defenders to the sword, took nearly five hundred prisoners, and 
captured all the munitions of the fort. When the royal forces 
reached the banks of the Wanjara,^ twelve kas from the fort of 

1 About 25 miles E. of Ch&ndor, and tiie same N.W. of AuraDg&b&d. 
* About 30 miles S.E. of Aurang&b&d. 
> Called in the maps ** Manjira." 



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BADSHAH-KAMA. 17 

Dh&rdr, they fonnd that Mnkarrab Eh&n and his confederates 
had passed down the pass of Anjan-dddh, and had gone to the 
neighboarhood of Bir. 'Azam Kh&n then sent S&hii-j{ Bhonsla 
to take possession of the districts around Junir and Sangamnlr, 
whilst he himself, with the milin force, went through the pass of 
Ailam to the town of Bir, and proceeded from thence to Partur, 
on the bank of the river Dudna. The enemy then fled towards 
Daulat&b&d. But 'Azam Kh&n learnt that scarcity of provisions 
prevented them from remaining in that vicinity, and that they 
had moved off towards the B&l&gh&t, by way of Dhirfir. He 
then determined to intercept and attack them. But he found 
that the enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage in the 
fort of Dh&rur, had the design of descending the P&yin-ghat. 
So he went through the pass of Anjan-dudh, and encamped three 
kas from Dh&rur. 



Capture of the Fart of Mansir-garh, 

[Text, vol. i. p. 832.] In the course of the past year, Bdkir 
Eh&nhad proceeded to the pass of Eher&-p&ra, twokosftom Ghhatar- 
daw&r. This is a very narrow pass, between the territories of 
Kutbu-1 Mulk and Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and 
archers might hold it in security. He ravaged the country round, 
but when the rains set in, he retired without making any attempt 
upon the fort of Mansur-garh, which a slave of Eutbu-1 Mulk's, 
named Mansur, had built about four kos from Eher&-p&ra. 
Afler the rains, under the royal orders, he again marched to Khera- 
p&ra. Sher Muhammad, and other officers of Eutbu-1 Mulk, 
had collected about 3000 horse and 10,000 foot, and having 
strengthened the fort with guns, muskets^ and other implements 
of warfare, they made ready for battle. ♦ * On the 8th Jum&da-I 
awwal, B&kir Eh&n arrived in the vicinity of Mansur-garh, and 
found the enemy drawn up in a plain north-east of the fort. * * 
The enemy were unable to withstand the assault of the royal 
forces, but broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bdkir Ehan 

2 I VOL. Til. 2 



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18 'ABOU-L HAMrD UCHORf. 

resolved to attack the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy fire of 
cannons and muskets, he advanced to the base of the walls, 
planted his scaling-ladders, and began to ascend. The garrison 
being dismayed, took grass between their teeth, as is the manner 
of that country, and begged for quarter, fi&kir Kh&a allowed 
them to march out in safety, and then placed a garrison of his 
own in the fort. 

Flight of Khdn-Jahdn. 

[Text, voL i. p. 334.] The territories of Niz4mu-1 Mulk, had 
suffered severely from the inroads of the Imperial forces in pursuit 
of Ehdn- Jah&n, and mistrust and differences had arisen between 
the Niz4m and Kh&n- Jah&n ; so the latter, in concert with Dary& 
Eh&n, his chief adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to 
retire to the Panj&b, in order to seek the means of carrying on his 
insurrection among the disaffected Afgh&ns of that country. So 
he left Daulat&b&d and proceeded towards M&lwa. The Emperor, 
by his sagacity and foresight, had anticipated such a movement, 
and had sent ^Abdu-alla Eh&n to M&lwa, in order to chastise 
Dary& Eh&n. After Dary& had returned to the B&l&gh&t, ^Abdu- 
Ua Eh&n was directed to wait at the P&yin-gh&t, and to hasten 
after Dary& Eh&n, wherever he might hear of him. Having got 
intelligence of his movements, ^Abdu-lla Eh&n went after him, 
and reported the facts to Court. 

On the 24th Jum&da-l awwal, the Emperor * * appointed 
Saiyid Muzaffar Eh&n to support ''Abdu-Ua Eh&n, * * * and on 
the 25th Rabi u-1 awwal, he marched towards M&lwa. He was 
directed to proceed by way of Bij&garh, and to cross the 
Nerbadda near M&ndu. * * If he found 'Abdu-Ua Eh&n there, 
he was directed to join him. He marched with all speed, and 
crossed the Nerbadda at Akbarpur. 'Abdu-lla Eh&n having 
heard that Eh&n- Jah&n had crossed at Dharampur,^ he crossed 
the river at the same ford, and encamped at Lonihara. There he 
ascertained that on the 28th Jum&da-l awwal, Eh&n- Jah&n had 
1 S.W.ofM&ndtL 



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BADSHAH.NAMA. 19 

moved off. He then proceeded to Dip&Ipur,^ where he learnt that 
the rebels were plundering the neighbourhood of XJjjain, and 
he marched to Nul&hi^ in search of them. 

FouBTH Year of the Eeion, 1040 a.h. (1630 a.d.). 
Flight of Ehdn-Jahdn. 

[Text, vol. 1. p. 338.] On the 4th, 'Abdu-Ha Khfin reached 
Kul&hi, and Saiyid M uzaffar Ehfin, having left Dip&lpdr, reached 
Mankod on the 5th, on his way to Mandisor, when he learnt that 
the rebels had turned off to the right. On the 6th, he again 
marched, and came to T&tganw, and on that day 'Abdu-lla 
Xhan came up from the rear and joined him. There they 
heard that the rebels were ten 1(08 distant the day before, and 
had moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in 
pursuit. On the 10th they encamped at Ehiljiptir, and ascer- 
tained that the rebels were moving towards Sironj. The 
royal forces reached Sironj on the 14th, and found that the 
rebels had come there two days previously. Khw&ja B&b&-e 
iCftab got into the city just before their arrival, and joining 
Ehw&ja ^Abdn-1 Hfidi, who was in the place, beat off the rebels, 
who only succeeded in canning off fifty of the royal elephants. 

Eh&n-Jah4n and Dary& Eb&n now found the roads closed on 
all sides against them. Every day that came they looked upon 
as their last, so in their despair they proceeded, on the right from 
Sironj, and entered the country of the Bundela, intending to push 
on to E&Ipi. Jajh&r Singh Bundela had incurred the royal 
censure because his son Bikram&jit had allowed Eh&n-Jah&n on 
his flight from ^ra to pass through his territory and so reach 
the Dakhin. Bikram^jit, to atone for his fault, and to remove the 
disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of the ftigitives, and on 
the 17th came up with the rear^guard under Daryd Eh&n, and 
attacked it with great vigour: That doomed one, under the 
intoxication of temerity or of wine^ disdained to fly, and in his 



1 Between M6nd(i and XJjjain. 

* '*Noal&l" or ** NiMPlye^." 60 mUesN. of M&ndd. 



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20 'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORf. 

turn attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and 
his son was also killed. The Buudelas attacked him under the 
impression that he was Kh&n-Jah&n, but that crafty one 
hastened from the field in another direction. Bikram&jit cut off 
the head of Daryi Eh&n, and also of his son, and sent them to 
Court, thus atoning for his former fault. Nearly four hundred 
Afgh&ns and two hundred Bundelas were slain in the fight. For 
this service Bikram&jit received the title of Jag-r&j, and was ad- 
vanced to the dignity of 2000 personal and 2000 horse. 

Capture of the Fort of Dhdrir. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 339.] 'Azam Kh&n, having ascended the pass 
of Anjan-dddh, encamped three kos from Dh&rur. He then di- 
rected Multafit Eh&n and others to make an attack upon the town 
of Dh&rur and its petta, where once a week people from all parts, 
far and near, were accustomed to meet for buying and selling. 
The fort of Dh&rtir was celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its 
strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the top of a 
ridge, and deep rivers of difficult passage ran on two sides of it. 
It was so secure that any effort upon it by the royal army was 
likely to prove unsuccessful ; so Marhamat Kh&n was directed to 
plunder the town and petta^ but not to make any attempt upon 
the fortress. ♦ * * The garrison became disheartened, and remiss 
in their duty. * * On the 23rd Jum&da-s s&ni Marhamat Kh&n 
made his way in with a party of men, and opened the wicket. 
'Azam Kh&n then entered with all his officers, and nearly two 
thousand men scaled the walls and got into the fort. All the 
vast munitions, the jewels, etc., became spoil of war. 

Death of Khdn-Jahdn Lodi, 

[p. 348.] The unhappy Eh&n-Jah&n was greatly distressed 
and dismayed by the death of Dary& Ehan. Having no hope ex- 
cept in evasion, he fled and sought obscurity ; but the royal forces 
pursued him closely. On the 28th Jum&da-s s&ni, on arriving at 



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BADSHAH-NiCMA. 21 

the village of Nimi, in the ooantry of Bh&nder,^ the royal army 
learned that Eh&n-Jah&n was about eight kaa from that place. 
The long march they had made, and the company of many men 
who had been wounded in Jag-r&j'^s action, prevented the royal 
forces from marching very early, but they drew near to the rebel. 

Eh4n-Jah&n, on hearing of their approach, sent off some of his 
Afghins, whose horses were knocked up, with the little baggage 
that was left ; while he himself, with nearly a thousand horse, 
prepared to encounter Muzafiar Eh&n. The fight was sharp, great 
valour was exhibited, and many fell on both sides. * * Eh&n- 
Jah&n was wounded, his son Mahmiid was killed with many of 
his followers, and further resistance was useless ; so he again fled. 
Being hard pressed, he was every now and then obliged to abandon 
an elephant, so that before reaching K&linjar twenty elephants had 
fidlen into the hands of the pursuers, and some were caught by 
R4j& Amar Singh of B&ndher. When Eh&n-Jah&n approached 
E41injar, Saiyid Ahmad, the commandant of that fortress, came 
out to attack him. He killed several men, and took some prisoners. 
Hasan, another son of Eh&n- Jah&n, was made prisoner ; with 
him were captured twenty-two of the royal elephants, which 
Eb£n-Jah&n had taken at Sironj. Kh&n-Jah&n lost his tugh 
and banner, and fled with a handful of followers. By great 
exertion he travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the 
borders of Sahenda,^ where he was to end his mortal life. 
''Abdu-lla Eh&n Bah&dur and Saiyid Muzaffiu' Eh&n pursued him 
closely with their forces in array. 

Eh&n-Jah&n was much afflicted at the loss of his sons and 
faithful followers. All hope of escape was cut off; so he told 
his followers that he was weary of life, that he had reached 
the end of his career, and there was no longer any means 

1 The text has B&ndhtl. Kb&ft Kh&n (toI. i. p. 40) calls it <' Bh&ndilr/' but a 
US. has Bh&nder, which is right. It lies N.£. of JhkDBi.—Ain-i JJebaH, toL i. 
p. 606. 

* '* The tank of Sindraha.'*— JjM/T Khdtty yoI. i. p. 44. Blochmann gives the 
name as ** Sehonda." It lies north of K&linjar on the Ken.— ifin-i Akbari^ vol. i. 
p. 605. 



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22 *ABDn.L HAMH) UKHOEf. 

of deliverance for him ; he desired, therefore, that every man 
should make off as best he could. A few determined to 
stand by him to the last, but many fled. The advanced 
forces of the royal army under M&dhu Singh now came up. 
Kh&n-Jah&n, with his son 'Aziz, who was the dearest of all, and 
Aimal, and the Afgh&ns who remained constant, placed their two 
remaining elephants in front, and advanced to meet Muzaffsr 
Eh&n. They made their charge, and when Kh£n-Jahfin found 
that they were determined to take him, he alighted from his 
horse and fought desperately. In the midst of the struggle 
M&dhu Singh pierced him with a 6pear, and before Muzaffar 
Eh&n could come «p the brave fellows cut Kh&n-Jak&n, his 
dear son 'Aziz and Aimal, to pieces. About a hundred of his 
adherents fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped. 
A grandson of Saiyid Muzaffar Khan and twenty-seven other 
royalists were slain. The heads of Kh&n-Jahan, ^Aziz, and Aimal 
were sent to the Imperial Court. Farid, a son of Eh&n-Jahfin, 
was taken and placed in confinement. Another son, named JkuA 
Jah^n, had'fled and taken refuge in Sahenda with the mother of 
Bah&dur Kh&n. 'Abdu-Ua Kh4n sent for him, and then de- 
spatched him in custody to Court. ♦ • ♦ The heads of the 
rebels were placed over the gate of the fort. After their 
victory, ''Abdu-Ua Kh&n and Saiyid Muzaffar Kh&n came to 
Court, and received many marks of favour. The former was 
advanced to a mansab of 6000 and 6000 horse, and he received 
the title Firoz-Jang. Saiyid Muzaffar Kh&n was promoted to 
a mamab of 5000 and 5000 horse. He received the title 
Khin-rJahkn* 

Attack on Parenda, 

[Text, vol. i. p. 356.] ^Azam Eh&n was in the neighbourhood 
of Parenda,^ intent upon the reduction of that fortress, and the 
capture of the elephants and stores which had been sent there. 
* * He sent K&j& Zii Singh with a detachment to ravage the town 

^ Near the Sfna river on the route from Ahmadnagar to Sholap^lr. It is about 
lixty milei S.W. of Dh&rar. 



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B^D3H^CH.N^MA. 23 

and petla. The R&jd first plundered the petta^ which was about 
a A;o« distant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the 
tovm, which was surrounded by a mud (khdm) wall five gem high 
and three gaz thick, and by a ditch of three cubits (sih zard!) 
broad (P). He broke through the walls by means of his 
elephants, and the musketeers of the garrison then fled into 
the ditch of the fort. The town was plundered. 'Azam 
Kh&n then arrived, • • • and entered the town, to 
secure the elephants belonging to the enemy, which had been 
taken into the ditch of the fortress. Seven elephants were 
seized and brought out, and much other booty was secured. * * 
''Azam Kh&n pressed ^e siege, and the troops drove zigzags^ 
up to the edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill 
it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of the 
fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the moat. He 
then pushed his zigzags to the very edge of the moat, and there 
raised a battery, to which the men in the Sher-H&ji ' found it 
very difficult to reply. 

It now became evident that ''Adil Kh&n, through his tender 
years, had no real power, but that the reins of government were in 
the hands of a slave named Daulat, who had been originally a min- 
strel (kuldwantjj and whom the King's father, Ibr&him ^Adil, had 
ennobled with the title of Daulat Kh&n, and had placed in com- 
mand of the fortress of Bij&pur. This ungrateful infamous fellow, 
after the death of Ibr&him, assumed the title ^^ Khaw&ss Kh&n,"" 
and delivered the government over to a mischievous turbulent 
brdhman^ named Mur&ri Pandit. This same Daulat put out the 
eyes of Darwesh Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibr&hiin ''Adil 
Kh&n by the daughter of Eutbu-1 Mulk, and demanded his 
daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name and 
honour of his indulgent patron. The 'Adil-Kh&nis and the 
Nizam-Sh&his had now made common cause and were united. 

1 *^Kkcha^ taldnuU," ways of safety. 

* This is not a proper name. There was a Sher-H&jf also at Xandah&r (see 
poet p. 26), and at many other places. It is apparently an advanced work, and 
prohaJ>ly bears the name of its inventor. 



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24 'ABDU-L HAMID LAHORf. 

The siege of. Parenda had gone on for a month. Pro- 
vender had throughout been difficult to procure, and now no 
grass was to be found within twenty koa. So 'Azam Ehan was 
obliged to raise the siege, and to go to Dh&rdr. • * • The 
'^dil-Eh&nis retreated before 'Azani Kh&n, and he encamped on 
the banks of the Wanjira. Next day he captured the town and 
fort of B&Ini, which the inhabitants defended in the hope of 
receiving assistance. After plundering the place, he marched to 
Mfindu,^ and from M&ndu to Dh&rur. 

Famine in the Dakhin and Chijardt 
[Text, vol. i. p. 362.] During the past year no rain had fallen 
in the territories of the B&l&ghat, and the drought had been especi- 
ally severe about Daulat&b&d. In the present year also there liad 
been a deficiency in the bordering countries, and a total want in the 
Dakhin and Oujar&t. The inhabitants of these two countries were 
reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf,* but 
none would buy ; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none cared for 
it ; the ever-bounteous hand was now stretched out to beg for 
food ; and the feet which had always trodden the way of content- 
ment walked about only in search of sustenance. For a long 
time dog's :flesh was sold for goaf^s flesh, and the pounded bones 
of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this was 
discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitution at 
length reached such a pitch that men began to devour each 
other, and the flesh of a son was preferred to his love. The 
numbers of the dying caused obstructions in the roads, and every 
man whose dire sufierings did not terminate in death and who 
retained the power to move wandered off to the towns and 
villages of other countries. Those lands which had been famous 
for their fertility and plenty now retained no trace of produc- 
tiveness. • « * The Emperor in his gracious kindness and 
bounty directed the officials of Burh&npur, Ahmad&b&d, and the 
> So in the text ; but the maps give no such name between Parenda and Dh&rar. 



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B^DSHAH-NiCMA. 25 

country of Surat, to establish soap kitchens, or alms-houses, 
such as are called langar in the language of Hinddst&n, for the 
benefit of the poor and destitute. Every day sufficient soup and 
bread was prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was 
further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at 
Burh&nptir 5000 rupees should he distributed among the 
deserving poor every Monday, that day being distinguished 
above all others as the day of the Emperor's accession to the 
throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one lao of rupees was given 
away in charity. Ahmad£b&d had suffered more severely than 
any other place, and so His Majesty ordered the officials to 
distribute 50,000 rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want 
of rain and deamess of grain had caused great distress in many 
other countries. So under the directions of the wise and generoas 
Enipetor taxes amounting to nearly seventy lac% of rupees were 
remitted by the revenue officers«-a sum amounting to nearly 
eighty fow« of ddrM^ and amounting to one-eleventh part of the 
whole revenue. When such remissions were made from the ex- 
chequer, it may be conceived how great were the reductions made 
by the nobles who held jdgir% and mansabs. 

Capture of the Fort of Situnda. 
[Text, vol. i. p. 370.] Sipahd&r Kh&n, after obtaining posses- 
sion of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery, of the garrison), laid 
siege to Situnda^ by command of the Emperor, and pressed the 
place very hard. Sidi Jam&l, the governor, offered to surrender 
on terms which were agreed to ; so he and his family came out, 
and the fort passed into the possession of the Imperialists. 

Capture of Kandahdr, 
[p. 374.] Nasiri Eh&n had been placed in command of a force, 
with instructions to conquer the kingdom of Teling&na. He re- 
solved upon reducing the fort of Kandah&r,' which was exceedingly 

1 About fifty miles N.E. from Anrang&b&d. 

2 About leYenty-fiye miles £. of Db&rtir, and twentj-five S.W. of Nander. 



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26 'ABDU-L HAMrD LAHOBr. 

strong, and the most famous, one of that country. It was under 
the command of S&dik, the son of Y&kdt Khud&wand Kh&n, 
and was in fall state of preparation. On the 28rd Jum&da-l 
awwal he encamped one kos from the fortress. Next day he 
prepared to attack the town of Eandah&r ; but before reaching 
the place he was opposed by Sarfar&z Kh&n, the general 
commanding in that country, who had taken up a position 
between the fort and the town, and having covered his front with 
artillery, awaited the attack. He was protected also by the guns 
and muskets of the fortress. The royal army attacked with 
great vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfar&z 
Kh&n with a few followers fled to the Niz&m-Sh&his. After 
this Naslri Kh&n pushed on the siege. ♦ • • Randaula, 
Mukarrab Kh&n, and others, with a united force of '^dil- 
Kh&nis and Niz&m-Sh&his, came up to attack him in his 
trenches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he boldly faced his 
assailants ; and although he had also to bear the fire of the guns 
and muskets of the fortress, he defeated them with considerable 
loss, and compelled them to fall back a distance of three kos. 

Out of twenty -one mines which had been opened, six were 
complete ; three were charged with powder, and three were kept 
in reserve. '^Azam Kh&n, who had marched to support Nasiri 
Kh&n, now approached, and Nasiri Kh&n went forth to meet 
him, and to bring him to see the springing of the mines and the 
assault upon the fortress. The match was applied to the three 
mines ; one failed, but the other two brought down the wall of 
the Sher-H&j( vrith half a bastion. The garrison kept up a 
discharge of rockets, mortars, stones and grenades^ but the 
storming parties pressed on. The conflict raged from mid-day 
till sunset, but the wall of the fortress was not sufficiently 
levelled, and the defenders kept up such a heavy fire that the 
assailants were forced to retire. At night the trenches were 
carried forward, and preparations were made for firing the 
other mines. The garrison saw that the place must fall, and 
* * • made offers of surrender, which were accepted, and the 



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BADSHiOEE-NAlLL 27 

Imperial troops took possession of the fortress. * * The siege 
had h»ted four months and nineteen days, and the place fell on 
the 15th Shaww&L 

Death of the Queen ^Aliyd Begam, 

[Text, voL L p, 384.] On the 17th Zi-1 kaMa, 1040, died 
Nawab ^Aliy^ Begam,^ in the fortieth year of her age, to the great 
grief of her husband the Emperor. ♦ ♦ ♦ She had borne him 
eight sons and six daoghters. The third child and eldest son was 
Muhammad D&r& Shnkoh, the foorth Muhaii)m&d Sh&h Shaj&\ 
the sixth Muhammad Aurangzeb, the tenth Murad Bakhsh. 

Nizdm Shah. 

[p. 395.] A letter from Sipahd&r Kh&n informed the Emperor 
how Fath Kh&n, feeling that his release irom confinement by 
Niz&m Sh&h had been a matter of necessity, and that he would be 
imprisoned again as soon as his master^s mind was at ease, he 
had resolved to be beforehand with him^ and had placed Niz&m 
Shah in confinement, as his father Malik ''Ambar had done before. 
* * * Fath Kh&n then addressed a letter to Yaminu-d 
daula ^saf Kh&n, informing him that he had placed Niz&m 
Sh&h in confinement on account of his evil character and his 
enmity to the Imperial throne, for which act he hoped to receive 
some mark of favour. In answer he was told that if he wished 
to prove his sincerity, he should rid the world of such a worthless 
and wicked being. On receiving this direction^ Fath Kh&n 
secretly made away with Niz&m Sh&h, but gave out that be had 
died a natural death. He placed Niz&m Sh&h's son Husain, a 
lad of ten years old, on the throne as his successor. He reported 
these facts to the Imperial Court, and was directed to send the 
jewels and valuables of the late king, and his own eldest son 
as a hostage. 

1 Otherwise called " Mamt&z Mahal." She died in childhirth.— JTAc^/T Khdn, 
vol. i. p. 459. 



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28 'ABDU-L HAMfD LAHORf. 

Operatwna against ^Adil Khan. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 404.] Muhammad 'i^dil Kh&n (of Bij&pur), 
through youth, inexperience, and eyil counsellors, especially a 
slave named Daulat (who had assumed the title of Khaw&ss Kh&n), 
had shown himself unfaithful to the Imperial throne, and regardless 
of the allegiance paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned 
Yaminu-d daula ^saf Kh&n to arouse him from hie negligence 
and disregard of his duty. Asaf Eh&n was empowered to demand 
from him a return to obedience and the payment of tribute.^ If 
he agreed to these terms, he was to be left alone ; if not, as much 
as possible of his territory was to be conquered, and the rest laid 
waste. 

Fifth Yeab of thb Beign, 1041 a.h. (1631 a.d.). 

Campaign against Bijapir. 

[p. 411.] i^saf Eh&n proceeded on his expedition, and arrived 
at N&nder, where he remained two days. There he left the main 
part of his army, and proceeded express to the fort of Kandah&r, 
which he inspected. One stage further on he came to the fort of 
Bh&lki.* ♦ • ♦ Orders were given for the reduction of the 
place, and entrenchments were commenced, but it was resolved 
to attempt the capture of the place by escalade at night. 
The garrison got notice of this, and evacuated the place under 
cover of darkness. * * • Xssf Kh&n then marched 
towards Eal&nor, a flourishing place belonging to 'Xdil Kh&n. 
When he arrived at Sult&nptir, near the city of Kulbarga, 
the general in command had taken the principal inhabitants 
into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed with guns, 
muskets, and other instruments of war. Next day ^Azam Kh&n, 
under the directions of Asaf Kh&n, made an attack upon the 
town, and carried it, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the fort. 

> The Shdh-Jahdn-ndma Bays that the surrender of the fort of Parenda was to be 
a]BO required. 
» Twenty-flyes miles N.W. of Bidr. 



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BADSHiCH-NiCMA. 29 

The victors plundered whateyer they could lay their hands on^ 
and captured many horses in the ditch of the fortress. Asaf 
'Kh&ik did not deem it expedient to attempt the reduction of the 
fortress, as it would have been a difficult undertaking and a 
cause of delay; so he retired, and encamped near the river 
Nahndr&. Then he advanced to the vicinity of Bij&pdr, and 
encamped on the borders of a tank between Nauras-pur^ and Sh&h- 
pur. The enemy every day came out of the ditch into the plain, 
and there was a warm interchange of rockets, arrows, and 
musketry. But although the enemy kept up also a heavy fire 
from the fortifications, they were regularly driven back to the 
shelter of the walls. 

Asaf Khan used to take every precaution for the safety of the 
detachments which went out every day to collect fodder, but the 
army was Large and the animals numerous, so this was no easy 
matter. 

The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck whenever 
they got an -opportunity. * * * At the beginning a man 
named Shaikh Dabir, one of the confidants of Khaw&ss Eh£n, 
came out with overtures of peace and ofiers of tribute ; but as 
they were not worthy of trust, they were rejected. Afterwards 
Mastaf& Kh&n, son-in-law of Mull& Muhammad Lahori, kept up 
a secret correspondence with Asaf Kh&n, expressing his devotion 
and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the fortress. 
* • ^ After much negociation, it was agreed that Mustaf& 
Kh&n and Khairiyat £h&n Habshi, uncle of Bandaula, should 
come to Asaf Kh&n and arrange for the transmission of tribute 
and the settlement of the terms of peace. Accordingly both 
came out of Bij&piir, « « • ^^^ j^ ^^^ finally agreed that 
^Adil Kh4n should send tribute to the value of forty lacs of 
rupees in jewels, valuables, elephants, and money, and that he 
should ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in 
these terms was accordingly drawn up. * * * The two 
negociators returned to Bij&pur, and Shaikh ^Abdn-r Bahim 
^ The text has << NAr-siydr/' hat the Index of Karnes corrects it 



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30 'ABDU-L HAMrD LAHORf. 

Khair&b&di went in with them to obtain 'Xdil Ehan's signature 
to the treaty. 

On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a message 
that they would send out their own wakila with the treaty. 
Next day they came out with certain propositions that Xaaf 
Kh&n considered reasonable, and he accepted them. It was agreed 
that the treaty should be sent out next day. As they were 
about to depart, one of the tcakih^ who was a confidant of 
Mustaf& Kh&n, dropped a letter of his before Asaf Kh&o, 
without the knowledge of his companion. The letter said that 
Khaw&ss Kh&n was well aware that proyender was very scarce m 
the Imperial army ; that the fetching of grass and fuel from Iob^ 
distances was a work of great toil to man and beast ; and that in 
consequence it would be impossible for the Imperial army to 
maintain its position more than a few days longer. Khaw4ss 
Kh&n had therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and 
procrastination, in the expectation that ^saf Kh&n would be 
obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled. 

The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that time no 
com had reached the army, and before its arrival the enemy had 
laid waste all the country round, and carried off the grain to 
distant places. The provisions which the army had brought with 
it were all exhausted, and grain had risen to the price of one 
rupee per «fr. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was re- 
solvedy after consultation, that the royal army should remove 
from Bij&pur into some better supplied part of the enemy's 
country, that the Imperial army might be recruited, and the 
territory of the enemy be wasted at the same time. With this 
intention the royal army marched along the bank of the Eishan 
Gang ^ to Bai-bdgh and Miraj,* two of the richest places in that 
country. Wherever they found supplies they rested, and parties 
were sent out to plunder in all directions. On whatever road they 

^ The Xistna or EriBhna. 

* Miraj is on the left hank of the Eutna, about thirty miles K. of Xolaptir. E&f- 
b6gh is about twenty-fiye miles lower to the S.E., and on the other side of the river. 



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BXDSHAH-NiCMA. 31 

went they killed and made prisoners, and ravaged and laid waste on 
both sides. From the time of their entering the territories to 
the time of their departure they kept up this devastation and 
plunder. The best part of the country was trodden under, and 
BO, as the forces had recovered strength and the rains were near, 
the royal army passed by the fort of Sholapur, and descended by 
the passes into the Imperial territories. 15,000 men of the enemy, 
who had followed them to Sholapur, then turned back to Bijapdr. 

Befum of the Court from Burhdnpir to Agra. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 421.] The Emperor being tired of his resi- 
dence at Burh&npfir, resolved to return to the capital ; so he set 
out on the 24th Bamaz&n, * * and arrived there on the 1st Zi-1 
hijjja, 1241 a.h. 

Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well as they 
ought to have been by 'Azam Kh&n ; so a mandate was sent to 
Mahabat Kh&n Kh&n-kh&n&n, informing him that the govern- 
ment of Kh'&ndesh and the Dakhin had been conferred upon him, 
and he was directed to make the necessary preparations as quickly 
as possible, and start from Dehli to meet the Emperor and receive 
instructions. Yaminu-d daula ^af Kh&n, with 'Azam Kh&n and 
other nobles under his command, were directed to return to 
Court. 

Capture of the Port of HitglL 

[p. 434.] Under the rule of the Beng&lis {dar *ahd i Bangdli" 
ydn) a party of Frank merchants, who are inhabitants of Sdndfp, 
came trading to S&tg&nw. One kos above that place, they occupied 
some ground on the bank of the estuary.^ Under the pretence 
that a building was necessary for their transactions in buying 
and selling, they erected several houses in the Bengali style. In 
course of time, through the ignorance and negligence of the 
rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in number, and 
erected large substantial buildings, which they fortified with 

1 The word uwd is khiar^ " an estuary,*' here apparently meaning a tidal river. 



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32 'ABDU-L HAMn) LAHOItr. 

cannons, muskets, and other implements of ivar. In due course, 
a considerable place grew up, which was known by the name of 
the Port of Htigli. On one side of it was the river, and on the 
other three sides was a ditch filled from the river. European 
ships used to go up to the port, and a trade was established there. 
The markets of Sfitg&nw declined and lost their prosperity. The 
villages and districts of Hugli were on both sides of the river, and 
these the Europeans got possession of at a low rent. Some of 
the inhabitants by force, and more by hopes of gain, they infected 
with their Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to 
Europe. In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality of 
an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with the profits of 
their trade for the loss of rent which arose from the removal of 
the cultivators. These hateful practices were not confined to the 
lands they occupied, but they seized and carried off every one 
they could lay their hands upon along the sides of the river. 

These proceedings had come under the notice of the Emperor 
before his accession, * * and he resolved to put an end to them if 
ever he ascended the throne, that the coinage might always bear 
the stamp of the glorious dynasty, and the pulpit might be 
graced with its khutba. After his accession, he appointed 
Kdsim Kh&n to the government of Bengal, and * * impressed 
upon him the duty of overthrowing these mischievous people. 
He was ordered, as soon as he attended to the necessary duties 
of his extensive province, to set about the extermination of the 
pernicious intruders. Troops were to be sent both by water and 
land, so that this difficult enterprise might be quickly and easily 
accomplished. 

K&sim Kh&n set about making his preparations, and at the 
close of the cold season, in Sha'b&n, 1240 A.H., he sent his son 
'In&yatu-ulla with AU&h Y&r Kh&n, who was to be the real 
commander of the army, and several other nobles, to effect the 
conquest of Hugli. He also sent Bah&dur Eambu, an active and in- 
telligent servant of his, with the force under his command, under 
the pretence of taking possession of the KhdHka lands at Makhsus- 



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B^DSHAH-NAMA* 33 

dbdd, but really to join Allah Y4r Kh&n at the proper time. 
Under the apprehension that the infidels, upon getting intelligence 
of the march of the armies^ would put their femilies on board 
ships, and so escape from destruction to the disappointment of the 
warriors of Isl&m, it was given out that the forces were marching 
to attack Hijli. Accordingly it was arranged that Allah Y&r 
Eh&n should halt at Bardwfin, which lies in the direction of 
Hijli, until he received intelligence of Ehw&ja Sher and others, 
who had been ordered to proceed in boats from Srfpur^ to cut off 
the retreat of the Firingis. When the flotilla arrived at Mohana, 
which is a dahna^ of the Hugli, Alldh Y&r Eh&n was to march 
with all expedition frx)m Bardw&n to HugK, and &11 upon the 
infidels. Upon being informed that Khw&ja Sher and his com- 
panions had arrived at the dahna^ AU&h Y&r Kh&n made a forced 
march fr^m I3ardw&n, and in a night and day reached the village 
of Haldipur, between S&tg&nw and Hugli. At the same time 
he was joined by Bah&dur Eambu, who arrived from Makhsus- 
&b&d^ with 500 horse and a large force of infiintry. Then he 
hastened to the place where Khw&ja Sher had brought the boats, 
and between Hugli and the sea, in a narrow part of the river, he 
formed a bridge of boats, so that ships could not get down to the 
sea ; thus the flight of the enemy was prevented. 

On the 2nd Zi-1 hijja, 1241, the attack was made on the 
Firingis by the boatmen on the river, and by the forces on land. 
An inhabited place outside of the ditch was taken and plundered, 
and the occupants were slain. Detachments were then ordered 
to the villages and places on both sides of the river, so that all 
the Christians found there might be sent to hell. Having killed 
or captured all the infidels, the warriors carried off the &milies of 
their boatmen, who were all Bengalis. Four thousand boatmen, 
whom the Bengalis called ghrdbi^ then left the Firingis and 
joined the victorious army. This was a great discouragement to 
the Christians. 

The royal army was engaged for three months and a half in 
^ Serampore. * Qy. Bengali dahra, a lake. 



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34 'ABDU-L HAIfrD LAHORr. 

the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the infidels foc^kt, 
sometimes they made OTertures of peace, protracting the iinae in 
hopes of succour from their countrymen. With base treachery 
they pretended to make proposals of peace, and sent nearly 
^ lac o{ rupees as tribute, while at the same time they ordered 
7000 musketeers who were in their service to open fire. S0 
heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove in which a large 
force of the besiegers was posted were stripped of their branches 
and leaves. 

At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work upon the 
ditch, just by the church, where it was not so broad and deep as 
elsewhere. There they dug channels and drew off the water. 
Mines were then driven on from the trenches, but two of these 
were discovered by the enemy and counteracted. The centre 
mine was carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger 
than all the other buildings, and where a large number of 
Firingis were stationed. This was charged and tamped. On the 
14th E^bru-l awwal the besieger's forces were drawn up in front 
of this building, in order to allure the enemy to that part. 
When a large number were assembled, a heavy fire was opened, 
and the mine was fired. The building was blown up, and the 
many infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into 
the air. The warriors of IsUm rushed to the assault. Some of 
the infidels found their way to hell by the water, but some 
thousands succeeded in making their way to the ships. At this 
juncture Khw&ja Sher came up with the boats, and killed many 
of the fugitives. 

These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large ship, which 
had nearly two thousand men and women and much property on 
board, should fall into the hands of the Muhammadans ; so they 
fired the magazine and blew her up. Many others who were on 
board the ghrabs set fire to their vessels, and turned their fiices 
towards hell. Out of the sixty-four large dingaa^ fifty-seven 
ghrdbs and 200 jaliyaSy one ghrdb and two jalit/as escaped, in 
consequence of some fire from the burning ships having fallen 



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BADSHAH-KAMA. 35 

upon some boats laden with oil, which barnt a way through (the 
bridge of boats). Whoever escaped from the water and fire 
became a prisoner. From the beginning of the siege to the con- 
elusion, men and women, old and young, altogether nearly 10,000 
ef the enemy were kiUed, being either blown up with powder, 
drowned in water, er burnt by fire. Nearly 1000 brare 
warriors of the Imperial army obtained the glory of martyrdom. 
4400 Christians of both sexes were taken prisoners, and nearly 
10,000 inhabitants of the neighbouring country who had been 
kept io confinement by these tyrants were set at liberty. 

Surrender of the Ihri of Odlna. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 442.] After Fath Kh&n, son of Malik 
''Ambar, had put Niz&n» Sh&h to death, Mahmiid Kh&n, the 
commandant of the fort of G41na, repudiated his authority, 
and put the fortress in a state of defence, intending to deliver 
it over to Sahii-j{ Bhonsla, who, unmindful of the favours he 
had received firom the Imperial throne, had strayed from the 
path of obedience, and had possessed himself of N&sik, Trimbak, 
Sangamnir and Junir, as far as the country of the Eokan. He 
had got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nfz&m 
Sh&b, yrho had been confined in one of the strongest fortresses 
hi the kingdom, and raised the banner of independence. He 
(Mahmud Ehdn) ^ wished to deliver the fort over to him. E[h4n- 
zam&n, who was acting as deputy of his father in the government 
of the Dakhin, Bir&r and Eh&ndesh, when he was informed of 
Mahmud Khfin's proceedings, wrote to Mir E&siro Eh&n Harawi, 
commandant of the fort of Alang, which is near to G&lna. He 
directed him to endeavour by promises of Imperial favour to 
win him over, and prevent the surrender of the fortress to S&hu-ji 
Bhonsla. Mir E&sim communicated with Mahmdd Eh&n on 
the subject, and the latter invited the Mir to come to him. 
After a good deal of talk, Mahmud Eh&n assented to the pro- 

1 This seems to be the sense of the passage, but it is obscure. 



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36 'ABDU-L HAMrD ULROUX. 

positioD, and in the hope of a great reward delirered over the 
fort to the representatives of the Emperor, 

Sixth Year of the Beign, 1042 a.h. (1632 a.d«)« 

[Text, vol. i. p. 449.] Bh&girat Bhil, chief of the disaffected 
in the province of M&lwa, relying on the number of his followers 
and the strength of his fort of Kh&t&khiH,^ had refused obedience 
to the governors of M&Iwa. He ventured to show his disaffection 
to Nusrat Kh4n, when he was governor, and the £h&n marched 
from S&rangpur to chastise him. The Kh&n's fame as a soldier 
had its effect. The rebel gave up all hope of resistance, and, 
seeking an introduction to Nusrat Kh4n through Sangr&m, 
Zamind&r of Kanur, he surrendered his fortress. 

Destruction of Hindu Temples. 

[p. 449.] It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty 
that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but 
remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. 
The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, 
the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and 
throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had 
been begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the 
province of AUah&b&d that seventy-six temples had been 
destroyed in the district of Benares. 

Conquest of Daulatdbdd. 

[p. 496.] Fath £h&n, son of ^Ambar Habshi, conceiving his 
interest to lie in making submission to the Emperor, had sent his 
son, ^Abdu-r Busul, with a suitable offering to the foot of the Im- 
perial throne, professing obedience and praying for favour. The 
Emperor graciously bestowed upon him some districts which had 
formerly belonged to him, but had been since given to S&hu-ji 
Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request of Fath Eh4n, 

1 <* Eimiharkera/' in Malcolm's Map of Oeatral India, on the Kali Sind, about thirty 
miles N. of Ujjain. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 37 

thej were restored to him. This gave great offence to the 
tarbolent S4hu-ji, who went and joined the Bfjapdris, and 
induced ^^dil Kh4n to place him in command of a force for 
wresting the fortress of Daulat&b&d from the hands of Fath 
Xh&h. The latter was much incensed against the Niz&m-Sh&his, 
and had no &ith in them ; so he wi-ote to Kh&n-kh&n&n Mah&bat 
Xh&n, informing him that S&hu-ji Bhonsia was preparing to bring 
a force from B(j&pdr against him, and that^ as the fortress vras ill 
provisioned, there was great probability of its being taken, unless 
Mah&bat Kh4n came to his assistance. If the Kh4n came 
quickly, he would surrender the fortress, and would himself pro- 
ceed to the Imperial Court. The Elh&n-kh&n&n accordingly sent 
forward his son, £h&n-zam&n, with an advanced force, and he 
himself followed on the 9tli Jum&da-s s&ni. [Khdn-zamdn defeats 
a covering army of BijdpiirJ] 

The Bij4puris were discouraged by the chastisement they had 
received from the Imperial army, so they made offers of an arrange- 
ment to Fath Kh&n. They offered to leave the fortress in his 
possession, to give him three lacs of pagodas in cash, and to 
throw provisions into the fort. That ill-starred foolish fellow, 
allured by these promises, broke his former engagement, and 
entered into an alliance with them. Most of the animals in the 
fortress had died from want of provender, and the Bij4puris now, 
at the instance of Fath Kh4n, exerted themselves in getting 
provisions. When £h&n-kh4n&n, who was at Zafamagar, was 
informed of these proceedings, he wrote to Kh4n-zam&n directing 
him to make every exertion for the reduction of the fortress, and 
for the punishment of the traitor and the Bij&puris. [^SkirmisJm 
in the vicinity.'] 

!Kh&n-kh&n4n, on being informed of the state of affairs, 
inarched from Zafamagar to Daulat4b&d, and reached there on 
the last day of Sha'ban. Next morning he rode out with his 
son, £h&n-zam&n, to reconnoitre the fortress, and took up his 
residence in a house belonging to Niz&m Shdh at Niz&mpdr, near 
the fortress. [Disposition of his forces.] He placed the artillery 



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38 'ABDIJ.L HAlfrD LXHORr. 

and siege material imder the direction of (his son) Luhrasp, and 
ordered that a constant fire should be kept up from a high hill 
which goyerofl the fortress, and upon which K&ghziw&ra stands. 
He also ordered Ehan-zam&n to be constantly on the alert 
with 5000 ca^alrj, and ready ie render aissistance wherever it 
might be required in the trenches. The Imperial army having 
thus invested the place, and formed trenches, pushed on the siege, 
running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling ladders. 

Fath Eh4n placed the son of Niz&ra Sh4h in the £414-kot 
(black fort), which was considered impregnable. He himself 
took post in the Mah&-kot (great fort), and the body of the 
forces were stationed in the outer works called *Ambar-kot, 
because they had been raised by Malik 'Ambar to protect the 
place against the advance of the Imperial power. [Defeat of 
many attempts to victual and relieve the fortress from without, and 
of sorties from wUhinJ] 

On the 9th 8haww&l a mine which had been formed from the 

trenches of Ehan-zam&n was charged, and the forces having been 

named for the assault, were ordered to assemble in the trenches 

before break of day. The mine was to be fired at the first 

appearance of dawn, and upon the walls being blown down, the 

stormers were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was 

fired an hour before dawn, and before the storming parties were 

ready. Twenty-eight ga% of the walls and twelve f§az of the 

bastion was blown away, and a wide breach was made. But the 

troops not having arrived, no entry was effected. The defenders 

rushed to the breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows, bullets, 

and rockets, that the storming party was obliged to take refuge 

in the trenches. Then they exerted themselves to stop the 

breach with palisades and planks. The commander of the 

Imperial army desired to dismount and lead the assault, but 

Nasiri £h&n urged that it was against all the rules of war&re 

for the commander-in-chief to act in such a way. He himself 

would lead the storming party, trusting in God and hoping for 

the favour of the Emperor. Eh&n-kh£n4n directed Mahes D&s 



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fiiCDSHAH.NAMA. 39 

R&thor and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed 
to the breach, and the defenders made a desperate resistance ; but 
Il'asiri Eh&n, although wounded, forced his way in upon the 
right, and B&jd Bih&r Singh and other Hindus upon the left. 
They were fiercely encountered by Khairiyat Eh&n Bij4puri and 
others with sword and dagger, but they at length prevailed, and 
drove the defenders into the ditch of the Mah&-kot for shelter. 
Great numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the 
victors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik ^Ambar, which 
were fourteen ga% in height and ten gaz in thickness, and well 
famished with guns and all kinds of defences. The Imperial 
commander having thus achieved a great success, proceeded with 
Nasfri Eh&n to inspect the works, and immediately took steps 
for attacking the Mah4-kot. [DiverHon made by the en^p in 
the direction of Birdr, Another attempt by Randaula and Sdhii-ji 
to relieve the fortress.'] 

With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine under 
the Mahd-kot, and Fath Kh&n was so much alarmed that he 
Bent his wives and family into the E&l&-kot. He himself, with 
Khairiyat Eh&n, uncle of Bandaula, and some other Bij&pdris, 
remained in the Mah&-kot. The Bij&puris being greatly 
depressed by the scarcity of food and the progress of the 
Imperial arms, sought permission through M&lu-ji to be allowed 
to escape secretly^ and to go to their master. Eh&n-kh&n4n sent 
a written consent, and by kind words encouraged their drooping 
spirits. I^early two hundred of them after night-fall descended 
by a ladder fastened to the battlements. Eh&n-kh4n&n sent 
for them, and consoled them with kind words and presents. 
[^Several more attempts to relieve the fortress.'] 

On the 25th Zi-1 ka'da, the commandpr-in-chief visited the 
trenches. He went to Saiyid ^Al&wal, wliose post was near the 
mine of the Sher-H4ji of the Mah4-kot, and determined that 
the mine should be blown up. Fath Ehan got notice of this, and 
in the extremity of his fear he sent his tvakil to Eh&n-kh&n&n, 
and with great humility represented that he had bound himself 



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40 'ABDIT-L HAMrD LAHORf. 

to the '^dil-Eh&nis by the most solemn compact not to make 
peace without their approval. He therefore wished to send one 
of his followers to Mur&ri Pandit^ to let him know how destitute 
the fort was of provisions, and how hard it was pressed by the 
besiegers. He also wanted the Pandit to send tcakib to 
settle with him the terms of peace and the surrender of the fort. 
He therefore begged that the explosion of the mine might be 
deferred for that day, so that there might be time for an answer 
to come from Mur&ri Pandit. Eh&n-kh4n4n knew very well 
that there was no sincerity in his proposal, and that he only 
wanted to gain a day by artifice ; so he replied that if Fath 
Eh&n wished to delay the explosion for a day, he must imme- 
diately send out his son as a hostage. 

When it had become evident that Fath Kh&n did not intend 
to send his son out, the mine was exploded. A bastion and 
fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. The brave men who 
awaited the explosion rushed forward, and heedless of the fire 
from all sorts of arms which fell upon them from the top of the 
Mah4-kot, they made their way in. The commander-in-chief 
now directed that Saiyid 'Al&wal and others who held the 
trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposite the Sher-H&ji, 
should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in the interior. 
[^Defeat of a demonstration made by Murdrl Pandit Surrender 
of the fort of Nabdti near GdlnaJ] 

Fath Kh&n now woke up from his sleep of heedlessness and 
security. He saw that Daulat4b&d could not resist the Imperial 
arms and the vigour of the Imperial commander. To save the 
honour of his own and Niz&m Sh&h's women, he sent his eldest 
son 'Abdu-r Busul to Kh&n-kh4ndn \laying the blame of his 
conduct on SdhU-ji and the ^Adil-Khdnis']. He begged for 
forgiveness and for a week's delay, to enable him to remove his 
and Niz&m Sh&h's family from the fortress, while his son 
remained as a hostage in £h&n-kh4n&n's power. Eh&n-kh4n&n 
had compassion on his fallen condition, granted him safety^ and 
kept his son as a hostage. Fath Kh4n asked to be supplied 



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BADSOAH-NJCMA. 41 

iwith the means of carrying oat his family and property, and 
with money for expenses. Kh4n-kh4n&n sent him his own 
elephants and camels and sereral litters, also ten lacs and fifty 
thousand rupees in cash, belonging to the State, and demanded 
the surrender of the fortress. Fath Kh&n sent the keys to Kh&n- 
kh&n&n, and set about preparing for his own departure, Kh&n- 
kh&n&n then placed trusty guards over the gates. 

On the 19th Zi-1 hijja Fath Eh&n came out of the fortress 
and delivered it up. The fortress consisted of nine different 
works, five upon the low ground, and four upon the top of the 
hill. These with the guns and all the munitions of war were 
surrendered. ♦ ♦ ♦ Kh4n-kh&n4n went into the fortress, 
and had the khutba read in the Emperor^s name. 

The old name of the fortress of Daulat4b4d was Deo-g{r, or 
Dh&r&gar. It stands upon a rock which towers to the sky. In 
circumference it measures 5000 legal gaZy and the rock all round 
is scarped so carefully, from the base of the fort to the level of 
the water, that a snake or an ant would ascend it with difficulty. 
Around it there is a moat forty legal yards (zara*) in width, and 
thirty in depth, cut into the solid rock. In the heart of the rock 
there is a dark and tortuous passage, like the ascent of a minaret, 
and a light is required there in broad daylight. The steps are 
cut in the rock itself, and the bottom is closed by an iron gate. 
It is by this road and way that the fortress is entered. By the 
passage a large iron brazier had been constructed, which, 
when necessary, could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire 
being kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent 
all progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by mines, 
sdbdtSy etc., are of no avail against it. * * * 

Eh&n-kh&ndn desired to leave a garrison in the captured 
fortress, and to go to Burh4npur, taking Niz&m Sh4h and Fath 
Kh^ with him. The Imperial army had endured many hard- 
ships and privations during the siege. They had continually to 
contend against 20,000 horse of Bijdpur and Niz4mu-1 Mulk, 
and to straggle hard for supplies. Nasiri Kh4n (who had been 



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42 'ABDIT-L HAMfD lAHORr. 

created Eh&n-daur&n) was always ready for seryice, and he 
offered to take the command of the fortress. So Kh&n-khdn&n 
left him and some other officers in charge, and marched with his 
army to Zafamagar. * * * After reaching that place, Mur&ri 
Pandit and the Bij&piiris sent Farh&d, the father of Bandaula, 
to treat for peace ; bat Eh4n-kh&n&n knew their artfulness and 
perfidy, and sent him back again. The Bij4puris, in despair 
and recklessness, now turned back to Danlat&b&d. They knew 
that provisions were very scarce and the garrison small. The 
entrenchments which the besiegers had raised were not thrown 
down, so the Bij4puri8 took possession of them, invested the 
fortress and fought against it. Kh&n-daur&n, without waiting 
for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and attacked them repeatedly. 
By kind treatment he had conciliated the raiyata of the neigh- 
bourhood, and they supplied him with provisions, so that he was 
in no want. As soon as Kh&n-kh&n&n heard of these proceedings, 
he marched for Daulat^&d. The enemy finding that they could 
accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon as they heard of 
the approach of Khan-kh4n&n, and then retreated by N&sik and 
Trimbak. 

Christian Prisoners. 

[Text, vol. i. p. 634.] On the 11th Muharram, [1043 a.h.], 
K&sim Kh&n and Bah&dur Kambii brought * * * 400 Christian 
prisoners, male and female, young and old, with the idols of their 
worship, to the presence of the faith-defending Emperor. He 
ordered that the principles of the Muhammadan religion should 
be explained to them, and that they should be called upon to adopt 
it. A few appreciated the honour offered to them and embraced 
the faith : they experienced the kindness of the Emperor. But 
. the majority in perversity and wilfulness rejected the proposal. 
These were distributed among the amirs^ who were directed to 
keep these despicable wretches in rigorous confinement. When 
any one of them accepted the true faith, a report was to be made 
to the Emperor, so that provision might be made for him. Those 



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who refnsed were to be kept in continual confinement. So it 
came to pass that many of them passed from prison to hell. Such 
of their idols as were likeness^ of the prophets were thrown 
into tfie Jumna, the rest were broken to pieces. 

Last of the Nizdm Shahs. 

[Text, vol. 1. p. 640.] Isl4m Kh4n returned to Court, bringing 
with him the captive Nizam Sh&h and Fath Eh&n, whom Khdn- 
kh&n&n Mah&bat Khan had sent together with the plunder taken 
at Daulat&b4d. Niz&m Sh4h was placed in the custody of Khan- 
Jahan, in the fort of Ghvdlior. • ♦ * The crimes of Fath Kh&n 
were mercifully pardoned ; he was admitted into the Imperial 
service, and received a khiVat and a grant of two lacs of rupees per 
annum. His property also was relinquished to him, but that of 
NizILm Shah was confiscated. 

Seventh Tear op the Reign, 1043 a.h, (1633 a.d.). 

[p. 545.] The Emperor had never visited Lahore, one of his 
chief cities, since his accession. He now determined to proceed 
thither, and also to pay a visit to the peeriess vale of Kashmir. 
Accordingly he «et out from Agra on the 3rd Sha'b&n, 1043 h. 
* * * His Majesty's sense of justice and consideration for his 
subjects induced him to order that iheBakhshi of the ahadis with his 
archers should take charge of one side of the road, and the Mir-dtish 
with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so that the grow- 
ing crops should not be trampled underfoot by the followers of the 
royal train. As, however, damage might be caused, ddroghas, 
mushrifs and amins were appointed to examine and report on the 
extent of the mischief, so that raiyatSy and jdgirddrs under 1000, 
might be compensated for the individual loss they had sustained. 

March of Prince Shah Shujd' against Parenda. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 33.] The fortress of Parenda, belonging to 
Niz&m Sh&h, was formerly besieged by 'Azam Kh4n, but, as before 



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44 'ABDU-L HAMrD ULEOUX. 

related, certain obstacles compelled hitn to raise the siege, 'iidii 
Kh&n [by cajolery and bribery'] got the fort into his possession. 
♦ * * The reduction of this fortress had long been a faTonrite 
object with Kh&n-kh&n4n, and, when Prince Sh&h Sbuj4' came 
near to Burh&npiir with a fine array, ♦ ♦ ♦ Kh&n-kh&u&n 
waited upon him^ and advised him to undertake the reduction of 
Parenda. So the Prince, without entering Burh&npur, turned 
off and marched against that fortress, ♦ * ♦ On arriving at 
Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a koa distant, which is 
the only water to be found in the vicinity. Then he allotted the 
work of constructing the trenches, and placed the general 
direction of the siege works in the hands of Alia Yardi Khfin. 
[Many conflicts and skirmishes in the neighbourhood.'] 

The efforts of the besiegers in the construction of mines were 
not attended with much success. The enemy broke into some 
and destroyed them, and water burst into others. One, constructed 
by Alia Vardi, in front of the Sher-Haji, was fired by the 
Prince himself, who went to it by the covered way. It blew up 
a bastion, but did not make a practicable breach. Moreover, 
great ill feeling had sprung up between Kh&n-kh&n&n and Kh&n- 
daur&n, because the latter was continually repeating that he 
had saved Ehdn-kh&n&n's life [in one of the engagements]. 
All the nobles and ofiicers also were aggrieved at the petulance 
and discourtesy of Kh4n-kh&n&n. Through this the enemy 
got information about Eh4n-kh4n&n^B plans, and were able 
to foil them, so that he made no progress in the reduction 
of the place. He therefore represented to the Prince that, 
although provisions were abundant, there was no grass or fuel 
within ten or twelve kos of the camp, so that every foraging party 
had to travel more than twenty kos. This was very distressing 
to the array. The rainy season also was at hand. So he advised 
a retreat to Burh&nptir. As the Prince had been ordered to act 
upon the advice of Eh4n-kh&n4n, the army retreated on the 3rd 
Zi-1 hijja. 



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BADSHAH.KAMA. 45 

Death of Khdn-khdndn. 

[Text, Tol. ii. p. 59.] On the l4th Jum&da-l awwal intelli- 
gence arrived of the death of Mah&bat Kh4n Kh&n-kh&n&n, who 
died of fistula, with which he had long been afflicted. 

Eighth Year op the Beion, 1044 a.h. (1634 a.d.). 
The Peacoek Throne. 

[p. 62.] In the coarse of years many valuable gems had come 
into the Imperial jewel-house, each one of which might serve as an 
ear-drop for Venus, or would adorn the girdle of the San. Upon 
the accession of the Emperor, it occurred to his mind that, in the 
opinion of far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and 
the keeping of such wonderful brilliants can only render one 
service, that .of adorning the throne of empire. They ought 
therefore, to be put to such a use, that beholders might share in 
and benefit by their splendour, and that Majesty might shine 
with increased brilliancy. It was accordingly ordered that, in 
addition to the jewels in the Imperial jewel-house, rubies, 
garnets, diamonds, rich pearls and emeralds, to the valae of 
200 lacs of rupees, should be brought for the inspection of the 
Emperor, and that they, with some exquisite jewels of great 
weight, exceeding 50,000 miskdh^ and worth eighty-six lac% of 
rupees, having been carefully selected, should be handed over to 
Be-badal Kh&n, the superintendent of the goldsmith's depart- 
ment. There was also to be given to him one lac of tolas of 
pure gold, equal to 250,000 miskdls in weight and fourteen lacs 
of rupees in value. The throne was to be three gaz in length, 
two and a half in breadth, and five in height, and was to be set 
with the above-mentioned jewels. The outside of the canopy . 
was to be of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was 
to be thickly set with rabies, garnets, and other jewels, and it 
was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. On the top of 



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46 'ABDIT-L HAMIB LAHORr. 

each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick set with gems, and 
between each two peacocks a tree set with rabies and diamonds, 
emeralds and pearls. The ascent was to consist of three steps 
set with jewels of fine water. This throne was completed in the 
coarse of seven years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees. Of the 
eleven jewelled recesses (takhta) formed around it for cushions, 
the middle one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, cost ten 
lacs of rupees. Among the jewels set in this recess was a ruby 
worth a lae of rupees, which Sh&h 'Abb&s, the King of tr&n, 
had presented to the late Emperor Jah4ngir, who sent it to his 
present Majesty, the S&hib Kirfin-i s&n(, when he accomplished 
the conquest of the Dakhin. On it were engraved the* names of 
S4hib-kirfin (T(miir), Mir Sh&h Bukh, and Mirz4 Uhigh Beg. 
When in coarse of time it came into the possession of Sh4b 
'Abb6s, his name was added ; and when Jah&ngir obtained it^ he 
added the name of himself and of his father.^ Now it received 
the addition of the name of hie most gracious Majesty Sh&h 
Jah4n. By command of the Emperor, the following masnawi, 
by H&ji Muhammad J&n, the final verse of which contains the 
date, was placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green 
enamel. ♦ * ♦ 

On his return to jSigra, the Emperor held a court, and sat for 
the first time on his throne. * * Yamina*d daula Asaf Kh&n 
was promoted to the dignity ef Kh&n-khdn&n. IConqtieat by 
Nqjdbat Khan of several forts belonging to the zanUnddrs of 
Srinagary and his subsequent enforced retreat,'] 



1 The following is the aceount given of the throne in the Shdh^JaMn^ndrnd of *Inii^ 
Kh&n : ''The Nau^oz of the year 1044 fell on the 'fini^ir^ when His Majesty was to 
take his seat on the new jewelled throne. This gorgeous structure, with a canopy 
supported on twelve pillars, measured three yards and a half in length, two and a 
half in breadth, and five in height, from the flight of steps to the overhanging dome. 
On His Majesty's accession to the throne, he had commanded that eighty-six Ucb 
worth of gems and precious stones, and a diamond worth fourteen /a«t, whu^ 
together make a crort of rupees as money is reckoned in HindOst&n, should be used 
in its decoration. It was completed in seven yean, and among the precious stones 
was a ruby worth a lac of rupees that Sh&h 'Abbfts Safavi had sent to the late 
Emperor, on which were inaoribed the names of the great Tlmtir S&hib-Kir&n, etc." 



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BADSHAH-NXHA. 47 

Rebellion of Jqjhdr Singh Bundela and his son Bikram^/it. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 94.] His Majesty in the second year of his 
leign pardoned the misdeeds of this tarbalent man, and sent him 
on service to the Dakhin. After a while he took leave of Mah&bat 
Eii&n Kh&n-kh4n&n, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his 
own country, leaving behind him his son Bikram&jit, entitled Jag- 
T&j, and his contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked 
Bim Nar&in, Zamind4r of Gku*ha, and induced him by a treaty and 
promise to surrender the fort of Chaur&garh.^ Afterwards, in viola- 
tion of his engagement, he put Bim Nar&in and a number of his 
followers to death, and took possession of the fort, with all the money 
and valuables it contained. Bim Nar4in^s son accompanied Kh&n- 
daiir&n to Court from M&lwa, taking with him an offering, and he 
made known to the Emperor what had happened. Afarmdn was 
then sent to Jajh&r Singh, charging him with having killed Bim 
Nar&in, and taking possession of Oarha, without the authority of 
the Emperor, and directing him to surrender the territory to the 
officers of the Grown, or else to give up the jdgirs he held in his 
own country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out 
of the money which had belonged to Bim Nar&in, He got notice 
of this farmdn from his icakils before it arrived, and being 
resolved to resist, he directed his son Bikram&jit to escape with 
his troops from the Bal&gh&t, whither he had gone with Eh&n- 
daur&n, and to make the best of his way home. The son acted 
accordingly, ♦ * but he was attacked at Ashta^ in M&lwa by 
Eh&n-zam&n, Ndzim of the P&yin-gh&t, when many of his men 
were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped ; 
* * but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads through 
the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the pargana of 
Dh&muni.' [20,000 men sent against the rebel under the nominal 
command of Prince Aurangzeb,'] 

The different divisions of the Imperial army united at Bhander, 

* Seventy milee W. of Jabalpilr. — Ain^i Akbari, vol. i. p. 367. 

* Sixty mileB S. W. of fihopal. 

* In BundelUumd near lat. 79*, long. 24*. 



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48 'ABDU-L HAlirD LAHORr. 

and prepared for the redaction of the fortress of Ifndcha. On 
arriving within three has of U'ndcha, where the forest territory of 
Jajh&r commences^ the forces were constantly occapied in cutting 
down trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little 
advance. Jajh&r had with him in Ifndcha nearly 5000 horse and 
10^000 foot, and was resolved to contest the passage through the 
woods. Every day he sent out cavalry and infantry to keep 
under the cover of the trees, and to annoy the royal forces with 
muskets and arrows. But the Imperial army killed some of them 
every day, and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmar- 
w41i, one ko8 from X/ndcha, where the rebels were determined to fight. 

B&jd Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Eh&n-daur&n, 
pressed forward and took the little hill of Kahmar-w&li from 
Jajhdr's men. Notwithstanding the density and strength of his 
forests, Jajh&r was alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces, 
and removed his family, his cattle and money, from Ifndcha to the 
fort of Dh&muni^ which his father had built. On the east, 
north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which prevent 
the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. On the west 
side a deep ditch had been dug twenty imperial yards wide, 
stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving a force to garrison 
I/ndcha, he himself, with Bikram&jit, and all their connexions, 
went off to Dh&muni. This flight encouraged the royal forces, 
and on the 2nd Jum4da-s s&nl [thei/ took Wndcha by e%calade\y 
and the garrison fled. 

After resting one day at T/ndcha, the royal army crossed the 
river Satdh4ra, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of 
the rebels. On the 14th it was three koa from Dhdmuni, when 
intelligence came in that Jajh&r had fled with his family and 
property to the fort of Chaur&garh, on the security of which he 
had great reliance. * * Before leaving he blew up the buildings 
round the fort of Dh&mdn(, and left one of his officers and a 
body of feithful adherents to garrison the fort. * ♦ The Imperial 
army was engaged two days in felling trees and clearing a passage, 
and then reached the fortress. They pushed their trenches to 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 49 

the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The fort 
kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when, alarmed at the progress 
of the besiegers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured 
by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way out, 
and hid in the jungles. * * The Imperial forces then entered 
the place, and began to sack it. * * A cry arose that a party of 
the enemy still held possession of a bastion. * * 'AH Asghar 
and the men under him carried the tower ; but while they were 
enga<:jed in plundering, a spark from a torch fell upon a heap of 
gunpowder, which blew up the bastion with eighty yards of the 
wall on both sides, although it was ten yards thick. "^Ali Asghar 
and his followers all perished. * * Nearly 300 men and 200 
horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. * * 

Jajh&r, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial forces, 
destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Ghaur&garh), burnt all the 
property he had there, blew up the dwellings which Bim Nar&in 
Iiad built within the fort, and then went off with his family and 
such goods as he could carry to the Dakhin. * * The Imperial 
army then took possession of the fortress. A chaudhari brought 
in information that Jajh&r had with him nearly 2000 horse and 
4000 foot. He had also sixty elephants, some of which were loaded 
with gold and silver money and gold and silver vessels, others 
carried the members of his family. He travelled at the rate of four 
Gondi ko8^ that is, nearly eight ordinary kos per diem. Although 
he had got fifteen days' start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit, 
and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and wealth, 
the pursuers hurried on at the rate of ten Gondi kos a day. 
[Long and exciting chase,] When pressed hard by the pursuers, 
Jajh&r and Bikramdjit put to death several women whose horses 
were worn out, and then turned upon their pursuers. * • 
Although they fought desperately, they were beaten, and fled into 
the woods. * * Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhdr 
had sent off his family and treasure towards Golkonda, intending 
to follow them himself. * * The royal forces consequently 
steadily pursued their course to Golkonda. * * 



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60 'ABDTJ-L HAMFD LAHORr. 

At length the pursuers came in sight of the rebels. Kh&n- 
daur&n then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some 
other officers with 500 horse, to advance with all speed against 
them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels no time to perform 
the rite of Jauhar^ which is one of the benighted practices of 
Hindust&n. In their despair they inflicted two wounds with a 
dagger on B&ni P&rbati, the chief wife of B&j& Nar Singh Deo, 
and having stabbed the other women and children with swords 
and daggers, they were about to make off, when the pursuers came 
up and put many of them to the sword. Khan-daur&n then 
arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring to escape. 
Durgbahdn, son of Jajh&r, and Durjan S&l, son of Bikram&jit, 
were made prisoners. Udbahdn, and his brother Siy&m Daw&, 
sons of Jajhar, who had fled towards Golkonda, were soon after- 
wards taken. Under the direction of Kh&n-daurdn, Bdnf Parbati 
and the other wounded women were raised from the ground and 
carried to Firoz Jang. The royal army then encamped on the 
edge of a tank. * * While they rested there, information was 
brought that Jajh&r and Bikramdjit, * * after escaping from the 
bloody conflict, had fled to hide themselves in the wilds, where 
they were killed with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit 
that country. * * Kh&n-dauran rode forth to seek their bodies, 
and having found them, cut off their heads and sent them to 
Court. * * When they arrived, the Emperor ordered them to 
be hung up over the gate of Sehtir. 

On arriving at Chdndd, the Imperial commanders resolved to 
take tribute from Kip&, chief zaminddr of Gondw&nd, * * and 
he consented to pay five iocs of rupees as tribute to the govern- 
ment, and one lac of rupees in cash and goods to the Imperial 
commanders. * ♦ 

On the l8th Jum&da-s s&ni the Emperor proceeded on his 
journey to I/ndcha, and on the 21st intelligence arrived of the 
capture of the fort of Jhdnsi, one of the strongest in the Bundela 
country. 



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BADSHAH-KAMA. 61 



Ninth Tear of the Beign, 1045 a.h. (1635 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 125.] An officer was sent to Bijdpur 
to '^dil Kh&n, with a khitat^ etc., and he was directed to require 
that ^^dil Sh&n should be &ithfal in his allegiance and regular 
in the payment of his tribute, that he should surrender to the 
Imperial officers the territories he had taken from Niz&mu-l 
Mulk, and that he should expel the evil-minded S4hu and other 
adherents- of the Nizdmu-1 Mulk from hi& dominions. [^Text of 
thefarmdn.l 

Farmdn to Euibu-l Mulk (of Oolkonda), 

[It stipulates for the allegiance of Kutbu4 Mulk to the Imperial 
throne, for the khutha being read in the name of the Emperor^ and 
for the payment of tribute ^ eteJ] 

[p. 133.] On the 15th Sha'bdn Kh&n-daurdn came from 
Ch&nda to wait upon the Emperor. He presented * * the wives 
of the wretched Jajh&r, Durgbah^ his son, and Durjan S&l, 
his grandson. By the Emperor's order they were made 
Musalm&ns by the names of Isl&m Kuli, and 'Ali Kuli, and they 
were both placed in the charge of Firoz Khdn N&zir. Bdni 
P&rbatI, being severely wounded, was passed over; the other 
women were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial palace. 

Despatch of the Imperial army against SdhU and other 
NizdmrShdhis. 

[p. 135.] Niz4mu-1 Mulk was in confinement in the fort of 
Gw&lior, but the evil-minded S&hu, and other turbulent Niz&mu-l 
Mulkis, had found a boy of the Nizdm's family, to whom they 
gave the title of Nizamu-1 Mulk. They had got possession of 
some of the Niz&m^s territories, and were acting in opposition to 
the Imperial government. Now that the Emperor was near 
Daulat&b&d, he determined to send Khdn-daur&n, Kh&n-zam&n, 
and Sh&yista Khdn, at the head of three different divisions, to 



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62 'ABDU-L HAMfD LAHORr. 

punish these rebels, and in the event of 'Kdxl Kh&n filing to co- 
operate with them, they were ordered to attack and ravage his 
territories. * * Kh&n-daur&n's force consisted of about 20,000 
horse, and he was sent towards Kandahir and N&nder, which join 
the territories of Golkonda and Bij&pur, with directions to ravage 
the country and to besiege the forts of l/dgir^ and I/sa, two of 
the strongest forts in those parts. * » Kh&n-zam&n's force also 
consisted of about 20,000 men. He was directed to proceed to 
Ahmadnagar, and subdue the native territory of S&hu, which lies 
in Chamdr-gonda* and Ashti near to Ahmadnagar. After that 
he was to release the Kokan from the grasp of S&hu, and upon 
receipt of instructions he was to attack and lay waste the country 
of 'Adil Kh&n. ♦ ♦ The force under Sh&yista Khdn consisted of 
about 8000 horse, and was sent against the forts of Junir, San- 
gamnir, N4sik and Trimbak. On the 8th Ramaz&n they were 
sent on their respective expeditions. * * On the 5th Shawwal 
Sh&yista Khan reported the capture of the fort of Masij. 

TJdbihdn, the son of Jajhfir, and his younger brother, Siydm 
Dawa,3 who had fled to Golkopda, were made prisoners by 
Kutbu-1 Mulk, and were sent in custody to the Emperor. 
They arrived on the 7th Shaww&l. The young boy was ordered 
to be made a Musulman, and to be placed in charge of Firoz Khdu 
Ndzir, along with the son of Bikramdjit. Udbihan and Siyam 
Dawd, who were of foil age, were offered the alternative of Isldm 
or death. They chose the latter, and were sent to hell. 

It now became known that'Adil Kh&n, misled by evil counsels, 
and unmindful of his allegiance, had secretly sent money to 
the commandant of forts l/dgir and l/sa. He had also sent 
Khairiyat Kh&n with a force to protect those two forts, and had 
commissioned Randaula to support S&hu. Incensed with these 
acts, the Emperor sent a force of about 10,000 men under 
Saiyid Kh&n-jahdn, * * to chastise him. Orders were given that 

^ About fifty miles S. of N&nder on the road to Bidar. . a. -r^^w 

» About fifty miles S. of Ahmadnagar. The « Chambargoondee ' of the Bombay 

Koute Map. , ^. , ^,,^ „ 

8 These names are here spelt " Udihfen '» and " Siyim Dddi. 

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BADSHAH-KAMA. 53 

he and Kh&n-daur&n and Kh&n-zam&n should march into the 
Bijap6r territories in three different directions, to prevent Randaula 
from joining Sdhd, and to ravage the country from end to end. If 
'Adil Ehan should awake from his heedless stupidity, and should 
pay proper obedience, they were to hold their hands ; if not, they 
were to make every exertion to crush him. On the 11th a letter 
arrived from Sh&yista Ehfin, reporting that Salih Beg, the 
Niz&mu-l Mulld commander of the fort of Kher-darak, had con- 
fined all S&hd's men who were in the fort, and had surrendered it 
and its dependencies to the Imperial commanders. 

Mir Abu-1 Hasan and K&zl Abd Sa'id, whom '^dil Kh&n of 
Bij&pur had sent to the Emperor after being aroused from his 
negligence by the despatch of the Imperial forces to ravage his 
dominions, now arrived and presented tribute and presents, 

Mukarramat Eh&n, the Imperial envoy, approached Bij&ptir, 
and 'Adil Khdn, fearing the consequences of showing disobedience, 
came forth from the city five ko8 to meet him, and made great 
show of submission and respect. * * But the envoy soon 
discovered that, although he made all these outward demon- 
strations through fear, he was really desirous of exciting dis- 
turbances and offering (^position. He made a report to this 
effect, and upon his arrival, the Imperial order was given to kill 
and ravage as much as possible in the Bij&pur territories. 

When 'Abdu-1 Latif, the envoy to Golkonda, approached the 
city, Kutbu-1 Mulk came forth five kos to receive him, and con- 
ducted him to the city with great honour. * * He had the khutba 
read aloud in the name of the Emperor ; he several times attended 
when the khutba was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader, 
and he had coins struck in the Emperor's *name, and sent 
specimens of them to Court. 

[Conquest of the fort of Chdndor, Surrender of the hill fort 
of Anjardi, and of the hill forts of Kdr^na and Mdnjna, Boh, 
Jola, Ahiinaty Kol, BUard, Achldgar, and others. Conquest of 
the fort of the Rdjd of Bir after two months' siege. Surrender of 
the fort of Dhardb to Allah Verdi Man.] 



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54 'ABDU-L HAMn) LAHOBr. 

[^Shdyista Khan takes Sangamnir and the town of Junir from 
Sdhu. Sdhu's son attempts the recovery of Junir,'] 

Campaign against Bijdpiir. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 15L] On the 8th Shawwdl, a royal 
order reached Khan-daur&n near T/dgir, informing him that 
'i^dil Kh&n had been remiss in his obedience and payment of 
tribute; that Khdn-jah&n had been directed to invade his 
territory by way of Sholapur, Khin-zam&n by way of fnd&pur ;^ 
and that he, Ehan-daur&n, mast march against him by way 
of Bidar, and lay waste his country. Kh&n-daur&n accordingly 
left his baggage on the banks of the Wanjira, in charge of a 
party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the beginning 
of New Year's night he set forth, and at five o'clock reached 
Kaly&n, the most flourishing place in that country. The 
inhabitants were quite unprepared, and near 2000 of them fell 
under his attack. Many were taken prisoners, and great booty 
was secured. [^Nardinpiir, Bhdlki, and Makndth,^ taken in suc- 
cession and plundered. 2000 of the enemy defeated near Bidar.] 

From Bh&lki Kh&n-daurdn marched to Deoni, three kos from 
I/dgir, and from thence towards Bij&pur, plundering and laying 
waste all the country. He then attacked and sacked the two great 
towns of Sult&npur and Hir&pur. From Hirdpdr he advanced 
to the river Bhunrd.' A party of the enemy then drew near 
and threatened him, * * but was defeated. After this, Kh&n- 
daur&n marched to Firoz&b&d, twelve kos from Bij&pur. A letter 
then arrived from Mukarramat Kh&n, informing him that the 
Bijdpdris had broken down the tank of Sh&hpur, and had taken 
all the inhabitants of the country round Bij&pur into that city, 
and that no water or food was to be found in the country. * • ♦ 
A letter from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect that 

^ Between P6na and Sholapdr, eighty-foor miles from the former. 

> Nar&inpiir is "one hot and a half from Eftly&n." Bh&lki or B&lkl is aboat 
equi.distant N. of Ealy&n and Bidar. Kakn&th is *' ten hot from Bh&lki, and two 
from Bidar.*' 

' This name often occurs, and is eyidently tised for the Bhima. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 55 

'Adil Eh&n had sent two envoys to make some representations 
about the forts of T/sa and I/dgir ; but as these belonged to 
Kiz&mu-l Mulk, the Emperor would not present them to him. 
A report received subsequently from Mukarramat Kh&n stated 
that 'Adil Kh&n had abandoned his claim to these forts, and 
had returned to his obedience. Khdn-dauran was therefore 
directed to desist from ravaging the Bijapur territories, and to 
lay siege to I/sa and Ifdgir. On the 23rd Muharram Khan- 
daur&n marched against I/dgir. 

Campaign of Khdn-Jahdn, 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 165.] [Capture of SarddMn, 
Dhdrdsit/iin, Kdnti six kos from Sholdp&r, and the totcn of 
Deogdnw. Victories over the BijdpuriSy commanded by BandaulaJ] 
Water and provisions were now difficult to obtain, so the royal 
army fell back to Dhdrdsiyun,^ intending to leave their baggage 
at Sar&dhun, and passing between iTsa and Naldrug, to make 
a raid into the flourishing country about Eulbarga, to plunder 
and lay waste. On the 1st Zi-1 hijja, the enemy made his 
appearance while the Imperial army was encamped about two 
kos from I/sa, and began to throw in rockets. The royal forces 
issued from their entrenchments and repulsed their assailants. 
Next day they attacked the Imperial army as it was about to 
march, • * but were defeated and driven back. After returning 
from the battle-field, Saiyid Kh&n-jah&n, considering that the 
country was devastated, and the rains were at hand, determined 
to Ml back to Bir, * * and await the Imperial directions as to 
where the rainy season should be passed. On the 11th Zi-1 
hijja, about eight kos from Saradhun, the enemy again appeared 
in the rear [and after a hard fight fell hack defeated^. The 
royal army then continued its march to Sar&dhun, and along 
the banks of the Wanjira to Dh&rur. 

1 " Deraseo," fifty miles north-east of ShoUipdr. 



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56 'ABDU-L HAMfD UCHORf. 

Campaign of Khdn-zamdn. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 160.] After receiving his orders, 
Kh&n-zam&n inarched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provisioning 
his force, * * he went on towards Junir. Six kos from Ahmad- 
nagar, he learnt that the villain S&hu had made terms with 
Minaji Bhonsla, and had obtained from him the fort of Mahuli. 
Having taken Minaji along with him to Junir, S&hu was about 
to proceed by way of Pirganw to Parenda. Kh&n-zamdn 
marched after him, * * but S&hu passed the river Bhunr&, and 
proceeded to Lohgdnw, a dependency of Puna in the Bij&pur 
territories. Here Kh&n-zam&n halted, because his orders were 
not to follow S&hu into "'Adil Kh&n*s country. [Capture of the 
fort of Chamdr-gonda by a detachment'] On receiving orders 
from Court, he entered the Bij&pur territories, and plundered 
and destroyed every inhabited place he came to. On 
the 27th Shaww&l he reached the pass of Dudb&i, where he 
halted. * * Next morning he ascended the pass. In eight 
days he arrived at Kolapur, and invested the fortress and town. 
Notwithstanding a brave defence, he quickly took the place. 
[Successful skirmishes mth S&hd and the BijdpuHsJ] Kh&n- 
zamdn next marched to Miraj, one of the principal towns in the 
Bij&pur dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made six 
days' march to Bai-b&gh, a very ancient town in that country, 
where he obtained great booty. After remaining there ten days, 
he fell back, and the enemy had the audacity to hang upon his 
rear and harass him with rockets. Eight days' march from Miraj 
the army encamped on the bank of a river. A party was sent 
out to forage, and a force was ordered to support it. The 
enemy attacked this force, and a sharp fight ensued ; but the 
assailants were repulsed and pursued for two kos. While the 
army was resting on the banks of the river Bhunr&, an Imperial 
farmdn arrived, directing Kh&n-zamdn to return to the royal 
presence, to receive instructions for the reduction of the fort of 
Junir and the punishment of Sdhii. The reason for this was 



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BADSHAH-NAHA. 57 

that 'Adil Kh&n had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute 
equivalent to twenty lacs in jewels, elephants, etc., and engaged 
that if Sdhu returned and surrendered Junir and the other forts 
in the Niz&m-Sh&hi territory to the Imperial officers, he would 
take him into his service ; but if S&hu did not do so, he would 
assist the Imperial forces in reducing the forts and punishing 
S&hd. 

\_Capture by Khdn-khdndn of the forts of Anki tmd Tanki, 
Alka and Pdlka, eighteen kosfrom DauMdbdd.'] 

[Farmdn containing the terms of peace m'th 'A'dil Khdn, and 
letter of the latter in acknowledgment. Letter of homage from 
Kutbu-l Mulk, Summary of Shdh Jahdn's two expeditions to the 
Dakhin, the first in his father's lifetime, the second after his own 
accession.'] 

'A'dil Khdn of Bijdpur. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 202.] While the Emperor was still 
thinking about the reduction of the forts of the Dakhin, 'Adil 
Khdn, being disturbed by the prolonged stay of the Imperial 
Court, wrote a letter to the Emperpr, representing that the 
affairs of that country were now all settled, and that he would 
be answerable for the surrender of the forts held by Sdhu and 
others. There was therefore no reason for the Emperor's staying 
any longer, and it would be a great favour if he would proceed 
to the capital, so that the raiyats and people of Bljdpdr might 
return peacefully to their avocations. The Emperor graciously 
consented, and resolved to go and spend the rainy season at 
Mdndu. 'Adil Khdn's tribute, consisting of * *, arrived, and 
was accepted. The Emperor confirmed to him the territory 
of Bijdptir and the fortress of Parenda, which had formerly 
belonged to Nizdmu-1 Mulk, but which the commandant had 
surrendered to 'Adil Ehdn for a bribe. He also confirmed to 
him all the country of Kokan on the sea-shore, which had been 
formerly held half by him and half by Nizdmu-1 Mulk. [,Copy 
of the treaty.] 



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58 'ABDU-L HAMrD LAHORr. 

Pnnee Aurangzeb, Oovemor of the Bakhin, 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 205.] On the 3rd Zi-1 hijja the 
Emperor appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the government of the 
Dakhin. This country contains sixty-four forts, fifty-three of 
which are situated on hills, the remaining eleven are in the 
plain. It is divided into four subas. 1. Daulat&b&d, with 
Ahmadnagar and other districts, which they call the aiiba of 
the Dakhin. The capital of this province, which belonged to 
Nizdmu-1 Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards 
Daulat&b&d. 2. Teling&na. , This is situated in the siiba of 
the B&ldgh&t.^ 3. Kh&ndes. The fortress of this province is 
Asir, and the capital is Burh&npdr, situated four ko8 from 
Asir. 4. Bir&r. The capital of this province is Elichpur, and 
its famous fortress is called G&wil. It is built on the top of 
a hill, and is noted above all the fortresses in that country 
for strength and •security. The whole of the third province 
and a part of the fourth is in the P&yin-ghdt. The jama\ 
or total revenue of the four provinces is two arba of dcmSy 
equivalent to five crores of rupees. 

\^Treaty toith Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latt^.'] 
\_Khdn'daurdn besieges ZTdgir and U'sa, and both forts are 
eventually surrendered,'] 

Tenth Year op the Reign, 1046 a.h. (1636 a.d.). 

Conquest of the Fort of Junir and Settlement of the Dakhin. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 225.] When Khdn-zamdn returned 
from the Emperor to his army, he learnt that S&hu had declined 
entering into the service of 'Adil Kh&n, and reftised to surrender 
Junir and the other fortresses to the Imperial officers. 'Adil 
Kh&n therefore sent his forces, under the command of Bandaula, 
to co-operate with the Imperial army in the destruction of S&hii, 

1 The Shdh Jahdn-ndtna adds, "The capital of which is caUed N&nder and the 
fortress Kandah&r." 



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BADSHAH-NXMA. 59 

and the redaction of his fortresses. Kh&n-zamdn hastened to 

Janir, * * * and invested the fortress. Being satisfied with 

the arrangements for the siege, he determined to march against 

S&hu, who was in the neighbourhood of Puna. When he reached 

the Khorandi, he was detained on its banks for a month by the 

heavy rains and the inundations. As soon as the waters abated, 

he crossed the river, and encamped on the banks of the iTnd&n, 

near Lofag&nw, and S&hu, who was seventeen kos distant, then 

made into the mountains of 6ondh&na and Nurand. There were 

were three large swollen rivers, the iTnd&n, the Mol, and the 

Mota,^ between Kh&n-zam&n and Sdhd. * * The Kh&n 

therefore sent an officer to consult with Bandaula. The opinion 

of that commander coincided with Kh&n-zam&n's in &vour of 

the pursuit, and the latter began his march. * * Sdhu 

then fled with great haste by the pass of Eombha,^ and entered 

the Kokan. * * Finding no support there, he returned by 

the pass of Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered the 

Kokan by the same pass, and Bandaula also was closing up. 

Sdhu then went ofl* to Mdhuli, * * and from thence to 

the fort of Mdranjan,' situated between the hills and the jungle. 

Eh&n-zam&n followed. * * * On discovering the approach 

of his pursuers, Sdhu hastily sent off a portion of his baggage, 

and abandoned the rest. * * * The pursuers having come 

up, put many of the rebels to the sword. * * Being still 

pursued, S&hd went again to M&htili, hoping to get away by 

Trimbak and Tringalw&ri ;^ but, fearing lest he should encounter 

the royal forces, he halted at M&htili. He retained a party of 

his adherents, who had long followed him, and the rest of his 

men he disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would. 

Then, with his son and a portion of his baggage, he went into 

the fort, resolved to stand a siege. 



1 The Indiranee, Moola, and Moota of the Haps, Dear Pdaa. 

' In the GhatB, Lat. 18-20. 

' Or " Mnroranjan " in the Qhats, Lat. 18*50. 

« A Utile N. of the Tal Gh&t. 



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60 'ABDU-L HAMrD LAHORr. 

Kh&n-zam&n got intelligence of this when he was twelre hoB 
from M&huli, and, notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, 
he reached the fort in one day, * * He immediately opened 
his trenches and made approaches. * * A few days after, 
Bandanla eame up, and joined in the siege. * * When the 
place was hard pressed, S&hti wrote repeatedly to Kh&n-zam&n, 
offering to surrender the fortress on condition of being received 
into the Imperial service. He was informed that if he wished 
to save his life, he must come to terms with 'Adil Kh&n, for such 
was the Emperor'^s command. He was also advised to be quick 
in doing so, if he wished to escape from the swords of the 
besiegers. So he was compelled to make his submission to ''KAW 
Khdn, and he besought that a treaty might be made with him. 
After the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd inadmissible 
demands, and withdrew from the agreement he had made. But 
the siege was pressed on, and the final attack drew near, when 
S&hu came out of the fort and met Bandaula half way down the 
hill, and surrendered himself with the young Nia&m. He agreed 
to enter the service of 'Adil Kh&n, and to surrender the fortress 
of Junir and the other forts to the Imperial generals. ♦ * ♦ 
Accordingly the forts of Junir, Trimbak, Tringalwdri, Haris, 
Judhan, Jund, and Harsird, were delivered over to Kh&n-zam&n. 
* * Bandaula, under the orders of '*Kd\\ Kh&n, placed the 
young Niz&m in the hands of Kh&n-zam&n, and then went to 
Bij&pury accompanied by S&hu. 

[Khdn-daurdn takes possession of the forts of Kataljahr^ and 
Ashta, and besieges and storms the fort of NdgpiirJ] 

NizdmU'l Mulk, 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 256.] On the Ist Zi-1 hijja, 1046 a.h , 
Prince Mur&d Bakhsh, Yaminu-d daula Kh&n-daur&n Bah&dur 
Nusrat Jang,^ and others went forth to meet Prince Aurangzeb, 
who had returned to Court from the Dakhin. * * He brought 

> He had been honoured with this title for his late yictories. 

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BADSHAH-NilCMA. 61 

with him the member of Niz&mu-I Mulk's family ' whom the 
disaffected of the Dakhin had made use of for their rebellious 
purposes, and to whom they had given the title of Nizamu-I 
Mulk. He was placed under the charge of Saiyid Kh&n- 
Jah&n, to be kept in the fort of Gw&lior, where there were 
two other of the Niz&ms — one of whom was made prisoner at 
the capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of Jah&ngir, and the 
other at the down&ll of Daulat&b&d in the present reign. * * 
On the 4th, the news came that Kh&n-zam&n had died at 
Daulat&b&d from a complication of diseases of long standing. * * 
Sh&yista Kh&n was appointed to succeed him in his command. 

The Bundelas. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 270.] The Bundelas are a turbulent 
troublesome race. Notwithstanding that Jajh&r, their chief, 
had been slain, the rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no 
warning, but had set up a child of his named Pirthi B&j, who 
had been carried off alive from the field of battle, and they had 
again broken out in rebellion. * * Kh&n-dauran Bahadur Nusrat 
Jang was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to pro- 
ceed to his government in Malwd. 

Storm at Thatta. 

[p. 276.] On the 23rd Babi'u-1 awwal letters were received 
from Thatta, reporting that rain had &llen incessantly for thirty- 
six hours in all the towns and places n^ar the sea-shore. Many 
houses and buildings were destroyed, and great numbers of men 
and beasts of all kinds were drowned. The wind blew so fiiriously 
that huge trees were torn up by their roots, and the waves of the 
sea cast numbers of fishes on to the shore. Nearly a thousand 
ships, laden and unladen, went down from the violence of the 
sea, and heavy losses fell upon the ship-owners. The land also, 
over which the waves were driven, became impregnated with salt, 
and unfit for cultivation. 

1 This indiTidiud, like all the oihen, is sarcastically called « fie-Niz&m." 

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62 'ABDU-L HAMrD LAHORr. 

Conquest of Tibet. 

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 281.] The late Emperor Jah&ngir long 
entertained the design of conquering Tibet, and in the course of 
his reign Hashim Kh&n, son of K&sim Kh&n Mh-bahr^ governor 
of Kashmir, under the orders of the Emperor, invaded the 
country with a large force of horse and foot and local zaminddra. 
But although he entered the country, and did his best, he met 
with no success, and was obliged to retreat with great loss and 
with much difficulty. * * The Imperial order was now given that 
Zafiu: Kh&n, governor of Kashmir, should assemble the forces 
under his command, and effect the conquest of that country. 
Accordingly he collected nearly eight thousand horse and foot, 
composed of Imperial forces, men of his own, and retainers of the 
marzbdns of his province. He marched by the difficult route of 
Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month he reached the 
district of Shkardu, the first place of importance in Tibet, 
and on this side of the Nil&b (Indus). 'Ali Rdi, father of 
Abddl, the present Marzbdn of Tibet, had built upon the 
summits of two high mountains two strong forts — the higher of 
which was called Kaharpbdcha, and the other Kahchana. Each 
of them had a road of access '' like the neck of a reed, and the 
curve of a talon." The road of communication between the two 
was on the top of the mountain. Abd&l shut himself up in the 
fort of Kaharphucha. He placed his minister and general 
manager in the fort of Kahchana, and he sent his family and 
property to the fort of Shakar, which stands upon a high moun- 
tain on the other side of the Nil&b. 

Zafar Khan, ailer examining the height and strength of the 
fortresses, was of opinion that it was inexpedient to invest and 
attack them ; but he saw that the military and the peasantry of 
Tibet were much distressed by the harsh rule of Abd&l, and he 
resolved to win them over by kindness. Then he sent a detach- 
ment to subdue the fort of Shakar, and to make prisoners of the 
&mily of Abd&l. The whole time which the army could keep 



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fiilCBSHAH.NAMA. 63 

the field in this country ^ was two months ; for if it remained 
longer, it woold be snowed np. It was for this reason that he 
sent Mir Fakhru-d din, * * with four thousand men, against the 
fort of Shakar, while he himself watched the fort in which 
Abd&l was. He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abd&l, with some 
other men of Tibet, who had entered into the Imperial service, 
and some zaminddra of Kashmir, who had frien^y relations with 
the people of the country, to endeavour by persuasion and 
promises to gain over the people. * * Mir Fakhr passed over the 
river Nil&b, and laid siege to the fort. Daulat, son of Abd&l, 
of about fifteen years of age, was in charge of the fort. He 
sallied out to attack the besiegers, * * but was driven back with 
loss. * * The besiegers then advanced, and opened their trenches 
against the gate on the Shkardu side. The son of Abd&l was so 
frightened by these proceedings, that, regardless of his father's 
family (in the fort), he packed up the gold, silver, and wKat 
was portable, and escaped in the night by the K&shghar gate. 
Mir Fakhru-d din, being apprised of his flight, entered the fort. 
He could not restrain his followers from plundering ; but he took 
charge of Abd&l's &mily. A force was sent in pursuit of the 
son, which could not overtake him, but returned with some gold 
and silver he had thrown away on the road. 

On hearing of this victory, Zafar Kh&n pressed on the siege of 
Kaharphucha and Eahchana. * * The governor and garrison 
of the latter surrendered. * * Abd&l, in despair at the progress 
made by the invaders, and at the loss of his wives and children, 
opened negociations and surrendered the fort of Kaharphucha. * * 
Zafar Kh&n was apprehensive that the snow would fall and close 
the passes, and that, at the instigation of Abd&l, he might be 
attacked from the side of Kashmir. So, without making any 
settlement of the country, and without searching after Abdul's 
property, he set out on his return, taking with him Abdal, his 
fikmily, and some of the leading men of the enemy. He left 
Muhammad Mur&d, Abd&l's vakil^ in charge of the country. 



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64 'ABDU-L HAMfD LAHORr. 

Eleventh Tear op the Reign, 1047 a.h. (1637 a.d.). 
Capture of Kandahdr and other forts} 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 24.] The strong fortress of Kandah&r was 
annexed to the Imperial dominions in the fortieth year of the 
Emperor Akbar. * ♦ Sh&h Safi of Persia, was desirous of re- 
covering it. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Jah&ngir, 
Prince Sh&h Jah&n was sent to arrange the affairs of the 
Dakhin, * * and the Sh&h of Persia seized the opportunity 
to make an attempt to recover the place. He invested it, 
and after a siege of forty-five days reduced the fortress in 
the seventeenth year of Jahangir. * ♦ After a time, "Ali 
Mard&n Kh&n was appointed governor of Kandah&r, * » ♦ 
and Sh&h Jahdn, being desirous of recovering the place, directed 
his governor of K&bul to send an able emissary to ' Ali Mardan 
Khdn, who was to learn what he could about the fortress and its 
garrison, and to make overtures to 'Ali Mard&n Kh&n. ♦ * The 
envoy was received very graciously, ♦ ♦ and friendly relations 
were established between 'Ali Mardan Kh&n and the governor of 
Kabul, ♦ ♦ so that the Khan at length wrote, expressing his 
desire to surrender the place to Shah Jah&n. * * On the approach 
of the Imperial forces, 'Ali Mard&n Kh&n conducted them into the 
fortress, and gave it up to them. * * The governor of K&bul was 
directed to proceed to Kandah&r, and to present a ^ of rupees to 
'All Mard&n Elhan. He was then to take the Khan to K&bul, 
and to send him under escort to the Imperial Court, with aU his 
family and dependents. * * The Emperor sent 'Ali Mard&n 
Kh&n a khitat [a^id many other fine presents. Engage^mnt between 
Sa'id Khdn^ governor of Kdbul^ and the Persians, and defeat of 
the latter. Capture by siege of the forts of Bust^ Zaminddwar^ 
and Girishk.'] All the country of Kandah&r with its fortresses 
[enumerated in detail'] were re-annexed to the Imperial dominions. 

> The aocoont of tblB siege is told in great detail. 

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BADSHAH.NAMA. 65 

Rebellion in Kich^Hcy^. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 64.] On the north of the country of Bengal 
there are two countries: Euch-H&ju, a cultiyated country, 
which lies on the banks of the Brahmaputra, a large riyer, two 
ko8 in width, which flows from the country of ^sh&m (Assam) 
into Bengal. From thence to Jah&ngir-nagar (Dacca) is one 
month's journey. The other country is Kuch-Bihdr, which is 
&r away from the river, and is twenty days' journey from 
Jah&ngir-nagar. These two countries belonged to local rulers 
{marzbdn\ and at the beginning of the reign of the Emperor 
Jahangir, the country of Edch-H&ju was under the rule of 
Parichhit, and Edch-Bih&r under Lachhmf Nar&in, brother of 
the grandfather of Parichhit. In the eighth year of the reign, 
Sh&h Jah&n gave the government of Bengal to Shaikh 'Al&u-d 
din Fathptiri, who had received the title of Isl&m Eh&n. 
Baghun&th, Zamfnd&r of Susang, came to him, complaining that 
Parichhit had tyrannically and violently placed his wives and 
children in prison. His allegations appeared to be true. At the 
same time, Lachhml Nar&in repeatedly represented his devotion 
to the Imperial government, and incited Isl&m Eh&n to effect the 
conquest of Eiich-H£ju. He accordingly sent a force to punish 
Parichhit, and to subjugate the country. [Long details of the 
operations.'] When the victorious army reached the river Kajli, 
some men were sent over first in boats, who in a short time 
defeated and put to flight the guard of the place. The whole 
force then crossed and destroyed some old forts. A strong fort 
was then constructed on each side of the Eajli, and * * garrisons 
were placed in them to check and keep down the turbulent 
landholders. The army then proceeded to Eoh-hatah, towards 
l/tarkol, between Sri-gh£t and the Eajli, there to pass the rains. 

Conquest of B(igldna. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 105.] The territory of Bagl&na contains 
nine forts, thirty-four parganas^ and one thousand and one 
VOL. yn. 6 



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66 'ABDU-L HAMID LAHOBI. 

villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction (marzhdni) for one 
thousand four hundred years, and its present ruler is named 
Bharji. It is &mous for its temperate climate, its numerous 
streams and the abundance of its trees and fruits. In length 
it is a hundred kos^ and in breadth eighty. On the east is 
Chdndor, a dependency of Daulatabid ; on the west the port of 
Surat and the sea ; on the north Sultanpur and Nandurb&r ; and 
on the south Ndsik and Trinibak. * * The strongest of its 
forts are S&lhir and Mulhir.^ S&lhir is placed upon a hill. * * 
Mulhir also stands upon a hill. * * When Prince Aurangzeb 
was sent' to the government of the Dakhin, he was directed to 
subjugate this country. On the 8th Sha'b&n, 1047 h. (Dec. 1637), 
he sent an army against it^ * * which advanced and laid siege to 
Mulhir. The trenches were opened and the garrison was pressed 
so hard that, on the 10th Shawwal, Bharji sent out his mother 
and his vakil with the keys of his eight forts, offering to enrol 
himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, on condition 
of receiving the pargana, of Sultdnpur. * * When this pro- 
posal reached the Emperor, he granted Bharji a mansab of three 
thousand personal and 2500 horse, and Sult&npur was conferred 
upon him for his home. 

Twelfth Tear of the Eeion, 1048 a.h. (1638 a.d.). 

^Submission of Manik Edi, the Mag Bq/d of ChdtgdmJ] 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 123.] On the 13th Rajab, the Imperial 
train reached Lahore, * * and ^Ali Mard&n Kh&n, who had 
come from Kandahar, was received with great ceremony. He 
was presented with [numerous rich gifts']^ and his mansab was 
increased from 6000 to 6000 personal and 6000 horse. * • 
Before the end of the month he was appointed governor of 
Kashmir, * * and shortly afterwards he was presented with 
five lacs of rupees and ten parcels of the choice fabrics of the 

1 '* Mooleer '' lies about half way, a little west, of a line drawn from Ch&ndor to 
Nandurb&r. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 67 

looms of Bengal. The Emperor afterwards did him the honour 
of paying him a visit at his house. [^The Imperial progress 
from Lahore to Kdbul and hack again.'] 

Little Tibet. 

[Text, ToL ii. p. 159.] The conquest of Little Tibet, the 
captivity of its ruler Abd&l, and the appointment of Adam 
Kh&n to be governor, have been previously mentioned. Adam 
Kh&n now wrote to 'Aii Mard&n Eh&n, the new governor of 
Kashmir, informing him that Sangi JBamkhal, the. holder of 
Great Tibet, * ♦ had seized upon Burag in Little Tibet, 
and meditated further aggression. 'All Mardan Khdn sent a 
force against him under the command of Husain Beg. * * 
On the meeting of the two forces, Sangi*s men were put to flight. 
* • He then sued for forgiveness, and offered to pay tribute. 

Thibteenth Tear op the Eeign, 1049 a.h. (1639 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 163.] On the 21st Jum&da-s s&ni, the 
Emperor arrived at Lahore. * * 'Ali Mard&n Kh&n came 
down from Kashmir. * * His mansab was increased to 7000 
personal and 7000 horse, * * and the government of the 
Panj&b was given to him in addition to that of Kashmir. * * 
On the 6th Bajab, Isl&m Khdn came according to summons from 
Bengal, and was appointed to the oflSce of Financial Minister 
(diwdni'kull). 

*Ali Marddn's Lahore Canal. 

[Text,, vol. ii. p. 168.] 'AH Marddn Kh&n represented to 
His Majesty that one of his followers was an adept in the forming 
of canals, and would undertake to construct a canal from the 
place where the river E&vi descends from the hills into the plains, 
and to conduct the waters to Lahore, benefiting thcT cultivation 
of the country through which it should pass. The Emperor 



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68 'AfiDU-L HAMrD LAHOKI. 

* * gave to the Eh&n one lac of rupees, a sum at which 
experts estimated the expense, and the Khan then entrusted its 
formation to one of his trusted servants. 

[Advance of an army from Sistdn against Kandahar. — Occupa- 
tion and abandonment of the fort of Khanahi^ near BustJ] 

[Cheat fire at the residence of Prince 8hujd' in Agra. — Royal 
visit to Kashmir."] 

In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that Firthi 
B&j, sou of Jajh&r Bundela, had been taken prisoner. * * 
Orders were given for his confinement in the fort of Gw&lior. 

POURTBBNTH YsAJl OF THE ReION, 1050 A.H. (1640 A.D.). 

[Chastisement of the Kolis and Kdthis in Otyardt^ — Payment 
of tribute by the Jam of Kdthiwdr.} 

[Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son ofRdjd Bdsi ofKdngra.] 

Fifteenth Tear of the Beiqn, 1051 a.h. (1641 a.d.). 
Death of Asaf Khdn Khdn-thdndn. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] On the 17th Sha'bin Taminu-d 
daula Asaf Kh&p Eh&n-kh&n&n, commander-in-chief, departed 
this life ; * * and on receiving the intelligence, His Majesty 
was much affected, and gave orders that he should be buried on 
the west side of the tomb of the late Emperor Jah&ngfr, and 
that a lofty dome should be raised over his grave. * * He 
had risen to a rank and dignity which no servant of the State 
had ever before attained. By the munificent favour of the 
Emperor, his mansab was nine thousand personal and nine thou- 
sand horse, do-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted 
to sixteen krors and twenty lacs of dams. When these had all 
received their pay, a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was left for him- 
self. * * Besides the mansion which he had built in Lahore, 
and on which he expended twenty lacs of rupees, he left money 
and valuables to the amount of two krors and fifty lacs of 



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BXDSHXH-NAMA. 69 

rupees. There were 30 lacs of rupees in jewels, three lacs of 
ashra/is equal to 42 lacs of rupees, one Jcror and 25 lacs in 
rupees, 30 lacs in gold and silver utensils, and 23 lacs in mis- 
cellaneous articles. 

[^Campaign in Jagat 8ingh*s territory. Capture ofMii^ Niirpiir^ 
and other forts. Surrender of Tdrdgarh^ and submission of Jagat 



SiXTEBirrH YsAR OF THE Ebign, 1052 A.H. (1642 A D.). 

Seyentbenth Ybab of the Reion, 1063 a.h. (1643 a.d.). 

[Reduction of Pdldmitny and submission of its jB4;d*] 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 376.] At the beginning of Rabi'*u-s s&ni, it 
was made known to the Emperor that Prince Aurangzeb, under 
the influence of ill-advised, short-sighted companions, had deter- 
mined to withdraw from worldly occupations, and to pass his days 
in retirement. His Majesty disapproved of this, and took from 
the Prince his mansab and his jdgiry and dismissed him from 
the office of Gh)vemor-General of the Dakhin. Eh&n-dauran 
Bah&dur Nusrat Jang was appointed to succeed him. 

Eighteenth Year of the Reion, 1054 a.h. (1644 a.d.). 

['AH Marddn Khdn Amiru-l Umard sent to chastise Tardi *Ali 
Katghdn of Balkh. — Successful result] 

[p. 385.] On the 29th Zi-1 hijja, Prince Aurangzeb was 
appointed Governor of Gujardt. * * 

Nineteenth Year of the Reign, 1055 a.h. (1645 a.d.). 

[Affairs of Nnzar Muhammad Khdn of Balkh — Operations in 
Kabul.'] 

[p. 411.] On the 29th Shaww&l, 1055, died Nur Jah&n 
Begam, widow of the late Emperor Jah&ngir. After her 
marriage with the Emperor, she obtained such an ascendency 
over him, and exercised such absolute control over civil and 



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70 'ABDU-L HAMfD LAHOEr. 

revenue matters, that it would be unseemly to dilate upon it 
here. After the accession of the Emperor Sh&h Jah&n, he 
settled an annual allowance of two lacs of rupees upon her.^ 

Campaign against Balkh and Badakhshdn. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 482.] Ever since the beginning of his 
reign, the Emperor's heart had been set upon the conquest of 
Balkh and Badakhsh&n, which were hereditary territories of his 
house, and were the keys to the acquisition of Samarkand, the 
home and capital of his great ancestor Timtir S&hib-Kirfin. He 
wEis more especially intent on this because Nazar Muhammad 
Kh&n had had the presumption to attack E&bul, from whence he 
had been driven back in disgrace. The prosecution of the 
Emperors cherished enterprise had been hitherto prevented 
by various obstacles ; * * but now the foundations of the 
authority of ITazar Muhammad were shaken, and his authority 
in Balkh was precarious. * * So the Emperor determined to send 
his son Mur&d Bakhsh with fifty thousand horse, and ten 
thousand musketeers, rocket- men and gunners, to effect the con- 
quest of that country. * * On the last day of Zi-1 hijja, 1055 
H., the Emperor gave his farewell to Prince Murdd Bakhsh^ ta 
Amiru-1 XTmard ('Ali Mard&n Kh&n),' and the other ofBcers sent 
on this service. \_Plan of campaign. * * Progress of the 
Emperor to Kabul. — Details of the campaign. — Capture of the 
fort of Kahmard and the stronghold of Ghori. — Conquest of 
Kunduz and Balkh, and flight of Nazar Muhammad. — Revenues 
of Nazar Muhammad.'] 

Twentieth Tear of the Reign, 1056 a.h. (1646 a.d.). 

[Pri7ice Murdd Bakhsh desires to retire from Balkh. — JDis- 
pleasure of the Emperor expressed in a despatch. — The Prime 

^ Ehfifl Kh&n says that after Jabftngir's death she wore only white clothes, she 
never went to parties of amusement of her own accord, but lived in private and in 
sorrow. She was buried at Lahore in a tomb she had built for herself by the side of 
Jah&ngir. 

' "Who was of coarse the real commander. 



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BADSHAH-NAMA. 71 

persists.] Many of the amirs and mansabddrs who were with 
the prince concurred in this unreasonable desire. Natural love 
of home, a preference for the ways and customs of Hindust&n, a 
dislike of the people and the manners of Balkh^ and the rigours 
of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This resolution 
became a cause of distress among the raiyatSy of despondency 
among the soldiery, and of hesitation among the men who were 
coming into Balkh from all quarters. The soldiers, seeing this 
Tacillation, began to plunder and oppress the people. So^ when 
the Prince'^s desire was repeatedly expressed, the Emperor's anger 
was increased. He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took 
from him his tui/ul of Mult&n. Under these circumstances, to settle 
the confusion in Balkh, the Emperor found it necessary to send 
there a trustworthy and able manager ; so he selected SaMu-lla 
£h&n, his prime minister. [Fighting in Badakhshdn. — 8ettk' 
ment of BalkhJ\ Sa'du-lla Ehdn returned on the 5th Sha'b&n, 
1056 H., having settled the affairs of Balkh, and restored order 
and tranquillity among the soldiers and people, and rescued the 
country from wretchedness. He had most effectually carried 
out the orders of the Emperor, and was rewarded with a khiPat^ 
and a thousand increase to his mansab. \Prince Murdd Bakhsh 
restored to his tnansab of 12,000. — Much fighting near Balkh 
and Shaburghdn.'] ^ 

Aurangzeb sent to Balkh, 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 627.] On the 24th Z(-l hijja, 1056, the 
Emperor bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakhsh&n on 
Aurangzeb, and increased his mansab to 15,000 personal and ten 
thousand horse, eight thousand being do-aspahs or sih-aspahs, * * 
He was directed to proceed to Pesh&war, and on the arrival of 
spring to march to Balkh, in company with Amiru-1 UmariL 'AH 
Mard&n £h&n, and a body of B&jputs, who had left Balkh and 
Badakhsh&n in disgust, and had come to Fesh&war, where they 

1 See iuprd, Vol. II. p. 478. 

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72 'ABDU.L HAVrD LKMOBX. 

were stopped by an Imperial order direoting the officers at Atak 
not to allow them to cross the Indus. 

The Emperor proceede to Kdbul. 

[Text, Yol. ii. p. 637.] By the reports of the commanders in 
Balkh and Badakhsh&n, the Emperor was informed that 'Abdu-1 
^Aziz 'Eh&a, governor of Tur&n, * * intended to invade Balkh at 
the beginning of spring. On the 15th Muharram Prince 
Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh with a body of Imperial 
soldiers, and the Emperor himself determined to leave Lahore 
and go to E&bul for the third time. 

[Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshdn^ ending 
abruptly with a statement of the errors made on the Imperial side.J 



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73 



LXIII. 
SHAH JAUXlS-NJC^A 

OP 

'INifYAT KRKN. 

[MxTHAMMAD TAhir, who received the title of 'In&yat Kh&n, 
and was poetically named 'Ashnd, was eon of Zafar Kh&n bin 
Khw&ja Abd-1 Hasan. 

Zafar Eh&n, the author's father, was ivazir of Jah&ngir. 
In the reign of Shdh Jah&n, he was at one time ruler of E&bul, 
and afl;erwards of Kashmir, daring which latter government he 
effected the conquest of Tibet recorded in the foregoing pages 
(p. 62). At a later period he was appointed to the administration 
of Thatta. " He was celebrated as a poet, as a patron of letters, 
and as a just and moderate ruler.''^ 

'Inayat Eh&n's maternal grand&ther, Saif Kh&n, was governor 
of Agra, and when Prince Shujd^ was appointed ruler of Bengal, 
Saif Eh&n was sent thither to conduct the administration until 
the arrival of the prince. 

The author, it appears, was bom in the year that Sh&h Jah&n 
came to the throne. In the seventh year of his age he received, as 
he informs us, " a suitable mansab." He was sent to join his 
father in Eashmir while he was governor there. He was afterwards 
daroghd'i ddgh^ and subsequently employed in a more congenial 
office in the Imperial Library. '^He inherited his iather'^s 
talents and good qualities, and is said even to have surpassed 
him in ability.* He was witty and of agreeable manners, and 
was one of the intimate friends of Sh&h Jah&n. Latterly he 



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74 'INAYAT KHAN. 

retired from office, and settled in Kashmir, where he died in a.h. 
1077 (a.d. 1666). In addition to the history of ShAh Jahdn's 
reign, he was author of a Diwdn and three MamatoiaJ* ^ 

The sources of the first part of this Shah Jahdn-ndma are 
plainly acknowledged by the author. The first twenty years 
are in entire agreement with the Bdckhdh-ndma^ but are written 
in a more simple style. The history comes down to 1068 a.h. 
(1667-8 A.D.), the year in which Aurangzeb was declared 
Emperor, but of this event he takes no notice. The author 
does not inform us whether he used any other work after the 
Badshdh-ndma as the basis of his 6wn, or whether the history 
of the last ten years is his own independent work. 

The following is the author's own account of his work trans- 
lated from his Preface : 

" The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad Tdhir, com- 
monly known as Ashnd, but bearing the title of 'Inayat Khdn 
bin MuzaSar Kh&n bin Ehw&ja Abu-1 Hasan, represents to the 
attention of men of intelligence, and acumen that in Babi'u-1 
awwal, in the 31 st year of the reign of the Emperor Shdh 
Jah&n [«ia? lines of titles and phrases']^ corresponding to 1068 h., 
he was appointed superintendent of the Boyal Library, and there 
he found three series of the Badshdh-ndma^ written by Shaikli 
^Abdu-1 Hamid L&hori and others, each series of which comprised 
the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. The whole of these 
memoirs completed one karn^ which is an expression signifying 
thirty years. Memoirs of the remaining four years were written 
after his death by others. The author desires to observe that 
the style of these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his 
simple mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abu-1 
Fazl was ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the history of 
his reign, yet Ehw&ja Niz&mu-d din Ahmad Bakhshi wrote a 
distinct history of that reign, which he called the Tabakdt-i 
Akbar-shdhi. Jannat-mak&ni Nuru-d din Muhammad Jah&ngir, 
imitating the example of his ancestor the Emperor Zahiru-d din 

> Morley's Catalogue. 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. • 75 

Mahammad B&bar^ himself wrote a history of his own reign ; 
yet Mu^tainad Kh&n Bakhshi wrote a history of that reign, to 
which he gave the title of Ikbdl-ndma-i Jahdngiri. Ghairat Eh&n 
Nakshabandi also brought together the chief events of that reign 
in a book which he called Ma-dsir-i Jahdngiri. (With these 
examples before him), it seemed to the writer of these pages that, 
as he and his ancestors had been devoted servants of the Imperial 
dynasty, it would be well for him to write the history of the reign 
of Sh&h Jah&n in a simple and clear style, and to reproduce the 
contents of the three volumes of Shaikh "Abdu-l Hamid in plain 
language and in a condensed form. Such a work (he thought) 
would not be superfluous, but rather a gain« So he set about his 
work, and the Almighty gave him leisure, so that in a short time 
he completed it. The history from the fourth to the' tenth year 
is based on the Pddahdh-ndma of Muhammad Amin Kazwini, 
commonly known as Amin&i Munshi, which is written in a 
more simple style. And as only a selection has been made of 
the events recorded, this work is styled Mulakhkhas" 

The title Mulakhkhas ^^ Abridgment,'*' which the author gave to 
his work, was too indefluite to last, and it is commonly known as 
Shdh Jahdn-ndma, 

MSS. of this work seem to be common. Sir H. M. Elliot 
has three borrowed copies. There are three in the British 
Museum, and one in the Library of the Asiatic Society. A copy 
belonging to the B,&jk of Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 
inches x 8^, and contains 360 leaves of 19 lines to the page. 
The whole of this work; from the beginning of the third year of 
the reign to the accession of Aurangzeb, with which it closes, was 
translated by the late Major Fuller. It fills 561 folio pages of 
close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot's Library. The follow- 
ing Extracts are taken from that translation.] 



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76 'INATAT KHAN. 

Extracts. 

TWENTT-FIBST YbAB OF THB ReION, 1057 A.H. (1647 A.D.). 

In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of royalty 
about this time, through the representations of the victorious 
Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bah&dur, was the following: — 
Nazar Muhammad Eh&n, who^ after abandoning the siege of 
fort Maimanah, had stood fast at ITilchir^h,^ continued watching, 
both day and night, the efforts of ^Abdu-1 ^Aziz Eh&n and his 
other sons, who were gone to oppose the royal army with all the 
Uzbek forces of M&war&u-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhsh&n, anxious 
to see what would be the result. As soon as he heard that they 
also had, like himself, become wanderers in the desert of failure, 
owing to the superior prowess and vigour of the royalists, finding 
his hopes everywhere shattered, he despatched an apologizing 
letter to the illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for 
past misdeeds, and ardent longing for an interview with His 
Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retrieving his 
fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that ornament of the 
throne of royalty. The illustrious Prince having kept the envoy 
in attendance till the receipt of an answer, waited in expectation 
of the/armdn's arrival, and the Khdn'^s letter, which His Royal 
Highness had forwarded to Court in the original, with some 
remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the auspicious 
perusal. As it happened, from the commencement of his in- 
vasion of Balkh, this very design had been buried in the depths 
of his comprehensive mind, viz. that after clearing the kingdoms 
of Balkh and Badakhsh&n from the thorny briers of turbulence 
and anarchy, he should restore them in safety to Nazar Mu- 
hammad Khdu. The latter, however, scorning the dictates of 
prudence, hastened to Tran ; but finding his affairs did not 
progress there to his satisfaction, h'e turned back, and at the 
suggestion of the Kalm&ks and other associates, came and be- 
sieged the fort of Maimanah, in order that he might seek 
* [Also written Palchir&gh qr BSlchir&gh.] 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. 77 

shelter Tvithin its walls, and so set his mind at rest. In the 
endy however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing the capture 
of the stronghold in question to be beyond his reach, he de- 
parted without effecting his object, and moved to Nilchir&gh, 
all which occurrences have been already fiilly detailed in their 
proper place. From the letters of reporters in those dominions, 
it was further made known to his world-adorning understanding, 
that notwithstanding the servants of the crown had manifested 
the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of the 
peasantry in Balkh and Badakhsh&n by giving them seed, and 
assisting them to plough and till their fields : yet, owing to the 
inroads of the Alm&ns, most of the grain and crops had been 
destroyed, and the populous places desolated; and that the 
commanders of the army, and the chiefs of the soldiery, owing 
to the dearth of provisions and the scarcity of grain, were ex- 
tremely disgusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the 
country. From the contents of the Prince's letter, moreover, hia 
unwillingness to stay at that capital was also discerned. Taking 
all this into consideration therefore, an edict was issued, direct- 
ing His Royal Highness to deliver up Balkh and Badakhshdn 
to Nazar Muhammad Kh&n, provided the latter would come 
and have an interview with him^ and then set out with all the 
victorious forces for Hindustan, the type of Paradise. 

Cession of Balkh and Badakhshdn to Nazar Muhammad Khdn^ 
and Retreat of Aurangzeb. 

* * * On the 4th of the month of Eamaz&n, early in the 
morning, which was the time selected for Nazar Muhammad 
Kh&n's interview, news came in that he had sent his grand- 
son Muhammad K&sim, son of Khusrd Sult&n, in company 
with Ka&h Ealm&k and several chiefs, and that they had all 
advanced two kos beyond the bridge of Khatab. The Prince, 
appreciating the gradatio;is of rank, deputed his son, Mu- 
hammad Sult&n, along with Bah&dur Eh&n and some other 



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78 'INATAT KHAN. 

DobleSy to go and meet him ; and that early fruit of the 
orchard of royalty having dutifully obeyed the connnand^ 
brought the individual in question into his noble &ther's 
presence. The Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded 
Muhammad K&sim in a fond embrace, and placed him in 
an adjoining seat; after which, Ea&h Kalm&k delivered the 
Kh&n's letter, full of apologies for not having come in con- 
sequence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that 
the Kh&n, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an interview, 
had sent Muhammad E&sim as his representative, with a 
view to remove all suspicion of his having wilfully broken 
his promise. 

After dismissing Muhammad Kdsim, the Prince addressed 
the commanders of the army in that country, viz. * * saying, 
his instructions were, to deliver over Balkh and Badakhsh&n 
to Nazar Muhammad Kh&n, after the interview; but now 
that the latter had only sent his grandson, excusing himself 
on the pretended plea of sickness, he could not carry out 
this measure without a distinct order. He told them to take 
into consideration, however, that the country was desolated, 
winter close at hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that 
there would be great difficulty in making arrangements for the 
winter, and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement 
season, and asked them what was their opinion on the subject. 
The principal chiefs replied, that the passes of the Hindu Koh 
were just about to be covered by snow, when the road would 
be blocked up ; so that, if he reported the matter, and waited 
the arrival of instructions, the opportunity would slip through 
his hands. They therefore came to the unanimous conclusion, 
that His Eoyal Highness should recall all the governors of 
forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh. 

As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting of Uzbeks 
and Alm&ns, had crossed the river Jihun, and spread them- 
selves over those regions, and wherever they saw a concourse 
of people, took the first opportunity of assailing them, E&j& 



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SHAH JAHAK-NAMA. 79 

Jai Singh was despatched to Turmuz to fetch Sa'&dat Eh&n. 
The Prince was also on the point of starting off Bah&dur 
Eh&n to bring back Eustam Eh&n from Andkhod, and Sh&d 
Eh&n from Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in 
safety. In the interim^ however, a letter arrived from Bustam. 
Eh&n, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country was 
to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Kh&n, he had set 
out fit>m Andkhod to Maimanah, with the intention of taking 
Sh&d Kh&n from thence in company with him, and proceeding 
towards K&bul by way of San-chdrik. The Prince then 
marched with all the royal forces from the neighbourhood of 
Faiz&b&d, and encamped at Ghalkai, which lies contiguous to 
the city of Balkh ; where, having ceded the country to Nazar 
Muhammad Kh&n, he delivered up the town and citadel of 
Balkh to Muhammad K&sim and Kafsh Kalm&k. He pre- 
sented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, with a 
jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden trappings, 
and 50,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. He also com- 
mitted to his charge, among the stores contained in the fort 
and city, 50,000 mam of grain belonging to His Majesty, 
which, estimated by the rate ruling at that time, was worth 
five lacs of rupees ; and besides this, all the granaries of the 
other forts. At this stage, Mirz& R&j& Jai Singh returned 
from Turmuz, accompanied by Sa'&dat Eh&n, and joined the 
army. From the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and 
Badakhsh&n till the end, when those conquered territories were 
ceded to Nazar Muhammad Eh&n, there was expended out 
of the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking, 
the sum of two krora of rupees, which is equivalent to seven 
UicB of the tUmdiM current in Ir&k. 

To be brief. On the 14th of the aforesaid month of Bamaz&n, 
the Prince started from Chalkai with all the royal forces for 
E&bul. He appointed Amiru-1 TJmar& with a party to form the 
left wing; Mirz& B&j& Jai Singh with his, the right; and 
Bah&dur Elh&n the rear-guard} whilst he sent on Mu'tamad 



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80 'INAYAT KHAN. 

Eh&n, the Mir-i dtish^ with the whole of the royal artillerymen, 
and Pirthi B&j B&thor, as a vanguard; bo that the bands of 
Uzbeks, ever watching for an opportunity of attack, might not 
be able to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the 
army, whilst winding through the narrow defiles and passes. 
As it was an arduous task for the whole army to cross the pass 
of 'Arbang in one day, the victorious Prince himself having 
marched through it safely, waited on the Airther side with 
Arairu-l UmarA, till the entire army was over ; and by His Boyal 
Highness's order, Bah&dur Kh&n halted at the mouth of the 
above pass, for the sake of helping the camp and baggage 
through. He was also in the habit of sending some of the 
troops every day to protect the party who went out to fetcli 
grass and firewood. One day, when the turn for this duty 
came to Shamsher Eh&n, Khushh&l Beg S&shghari, and others 
of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the party to be a 
small one, advanced, to the number of about 5000 horsemen, 
and one moiety of them having encompassed Shamsher Kh&n 
and his comrades in the midst, the other took up a position on 
the summit of some eminences. Bah&dur Kh&n, having received 
intimation of this, went to his support, and having made several 
of those marauders a prey to the sword of vengeance, put the 
remainder to flight ; whilst out of the royal troops some few 
were wounded. On the third day of the halt, whilst the 
rest of the army were crossing the pass of 'Arbang, a body of 
Alm&ns made their appearance; whereupon Nazar Bah&dur 
Kh&Q, Kheshji Batan son of Muhesh D&s, and some others, 
charged them on one side, and on the other Mu'tamad Kh&n 
with the artillerymen, and a number of the Princess retainers. 
The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and fled, 
closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and wounded a few 
of them. 

The day they had to march from Ghori by way of Khw&ja 
Zaid, as the road to the next stage, which had been selected on 
the banks of the Surkh&b, was extremely difficult, and there 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. 81 

was a great likelihood of an attack from the Uzbeks and 
Haz&ras, the Prince left Ainiru4 Fmari at the top of the 
aforesaid pass, to protect the men who used to follow in rear 
of the army. As there was an interval of two koa between 
Amiru-1 Uroard, Bah&dur Eh&n, and the left wing of the army, 
a portion of the baggage, whilst threading the road, was plundered 
by the Haz&ras. A vast body of them also fell upon the 
treasure ; but Zti-1 Eadar Eh&n, and the rest who were with it, 
firmly held their ground, and the battle was warmly contested 
till some part of the night was spent. Amiru-1 TTmara, having 
been informed of the circumstance, sent a detachment of his 
own men to their assistance ; whereupon the enemy retreated 
in confusion. After the camp had advanced beyond Shaburgh&n, 
during the march to Nek Bih&r and to Ch&r-chaehma, some 
injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the narrowness 
and steepness of the road, and the rolling over of several laden 
beasts of burden, which were accidentally led along the top of 
the hill off the path by some of the people who had lost their 
way. When they started from Gh&r-chashma for the foot 
of the Hindu Eoh range, it was resolved, for the greater con- 
venience of the troops, that the Prince should first cross the 
pass, and at the expiration of a day Amiru-l Umard should 
follow ; that after him should come the royal treasure, kdr-khdna 
(wardrobe) and artillery, with all His Royal Highness's estab- 
lishment; and in this way, a party having gradually crossed 
every day, BaJiddur Kh&n, who occupied the rear of the 
victorious army, should follow last of all. The illustrious 
Prince, having reached the foot of the pass that day, passed 
over the Hindu Koh on the next, and though the weather was 
not intensely cold, yet as snow had fallen previously, and 
there was a hard frost, the men got over with considerable 
difficulty. 

On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, whence he 
marched during the night into Kdbul. When Amiru-1 Umard, 
who followed one day's march in rear, was encamped at the foot 
VOL. Tn. 6 



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82 'INAYAT KHAN. 

of the pass, at midnight it began to «now, and continued doing 
80 without intermission till morning; after which the weather 
became fair, and the Amir having got through the pass with 
his force, entered Kabul two days after His Boyal Highness. 
As for R&J& Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched from 
Surkh&b, had stayed behind by the Prince's orders at that place, 
on account of the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of 
the defiles that occurred further on, as soon as he passed Gh&r- 
chashma, the snow commenced felling, and never once ceased 
all that day and the next, during which he halted on the road. 
After arriving at the pass of the Hindu Koh, till crossing over 
it, the snow kept falling for three more days and nights ; and 
Zu-1 Kadar Kh&n, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, 
seeing, when four kos distant from the Hindu Koh, that a snow- 
storm was coming on, started at once in the hope of getting 
the treasure through the pass, before it could have time to stop 
up the road. It chanced, however, that the snow gradually 
accumulated to such a depth, that most of the camels tumbled 
down, and nearly half of them were rendered quite unserviceable, 
so that the Kh&n in question, despite his utmost exertions, was 
unable to cross that day. In consequence of the intense cold, 
his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, and saving a 
few servants of the crown, no one remained with him ; never- 
theless he stayed on the summit of the ridge, to guard the 
treasure, notwithstanding the snow-storm. In the morning, 
having laden a portion of it on such of the camels as were 
capable of ffravelling, he started it off in advance to Ghorband, 
escorted by some of the horsemen ; whilst he himself with a 
few others occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and 
spent seven days and nights on the top of the Hindu Koh in the 
midst of snow and intense cold, and with but a scanty supply 
of provisions, waiting for Bahadur Khan's arrival, who was 
behind. The fortunes of the latter were as followis. As soon 
as he reached the pass of Nek Bih&r, which is two marches 
from the Hindu Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. 83 

snow began to fall, and continued coming down all night till 
twelve o'clock next day. Owing to the difficulties of the pass, 
which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, he only 
got the rest of the camp and army through with immense labour. 
At this juncture, the malicious Haz&ras, in their eager desire 
for plunder, assaulted the camp followers more desperately than 
ever ; but Bah&dur Kh&n each time inflicted summary chastise- 
ment on the freebooters, and drove them off. After reaching 
the foot of the Hmdu Koh pass, and halting there for a day, 
he sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon as 
they were across, set out himself. As most of the people spent 
the night on the summit of the pass, on account of the difficult 
roads, and the intense coldness of a mountain climate, heightened 
by the deep snow and chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle 
that were worn out and infirm perished. Accordingly, from the 
first commencement of the army's crossing to the end, about 
5000 men, and a similar number of animals, such as horses, 
elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were destroyed, and a vast deal of 
property remained buried in the snow. When Bah&dur Kh&n 
came to the top of the pass, and Zu-1 Kadar Khan explained 
the state of affairs to him, he halted there, and in company with 
Ikhl&s Khdn, and some other nobles and mansabddra who still 
stood by him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning, 
having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels as 
he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and distributed 
* the rest among the horses and camels belonging to the troops. 
*Just as he was on the point of starting, a body of Hazaras 
came up in the rear, and seeing the paucity of his detachment, 
resolved upon making an assault, for the sake of carrying off 
the treasure. Bah&dur Kh&n, however, faced about, and made 
some of the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his 
bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then set out 
with the treasure, and reached fialkh along with his comrades, 
after an interval of fourteen days from the time of the Princess 
arrival there. 



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84 'INICYAT KRKS. 

Despatch of a Candlestick to the Oloriaus City. 

Among the events of this year was the despatch of a candle- 
stick studded with gems 'to the revered tomb of the Prophet (on 
whom be the greatest favours, and blessings !) an account of which 
is here given. Some time previous to this it was represented 
that a wonderfully large diamond from a mine in the territory 
of Golkonda had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-l Mulk ; where- 
upon an order was issued, directing him to forward the same 
to Court ; when its estimated value would be taken into account, 
as part of the two lacs of huna (pagodas), which was the stipu- 
lated amount of his annual tribute. He accordingly sent the 
diamond in question, which weighed in its rough state 180 ratk^ 
to Court ; and after His Majesty'^s own lapidaries had cut away 
as much of the outer surface as was requisite to disclose all 
its beauties, there remained a rare gem of 100 ratU weight, 
valued by the jewellers at one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such 
a valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the 
threshold, resembling the Elysian abode, since his accession to 
the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of religion, with 
the best intention, and the utmost sincerity of purpose, made a 
vow to send it to the pure sepulchre of the last of the Prophets 
(on whom be peace !). Having therefore selected out of the 
amber candlesticks that he had amongst his private property 
the largest of them all, which weighed 700 tolaSj and was worth 
10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should be covered with 
a network of gold, ornamented on all sides with flowers, and* 
studded with gems, among which that valuable diamond should 
also be included. 

In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two Iocs and 50,000 
rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the price of the diamond, 
and the remaining lac the worth of all the gems and gold, 
together with the original candlestick. Mir Saiyid Ahmad 
Sa'id Bah&ri, who had once before conveyed charitable presents 
to the two sacred cities, was then deputed to take charge of this 



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BHi^H JAHAN-NAMA. 85 

precious offering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect, 
that the revenue collectors of the province of Gujar&t should 
purchase a lac and 60,000 rupees worth of goods for the sacred 
fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he might take it along 
with him from thence. Out of this, he was directed to present 
50,000 rupees worth to the Sharif of Mecca; to sell 60,000 
rupees worth, and distribute the proceeds, together with any 
profit that might accrue, amongst the indigent of that sacred 
city ; and the remaining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those 
of the glorious Medina. The above-named Saiyid, who was 
only in receipt of a daily stipend, was promoted to a suitable 
mansab, and having been munificently presented with a dress of 
honour and a donation of 12,000 rupees, received his dismissal. 

Account of the founding of the fort at the Metropolis of 
Shdh'Jahdndbdd. 

The following is an exact account of the founding of the splendid 
fort in the above-named metropolis, with its edifices resembling 
Paradise, which was constructed in the environs of the city of 
Dehli, on the banks of the river Jumna. It first occurred to the 
omniscient mind that he should select on the banks of the afore- 
said river some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate, 
where he might found a splendid fort and delightful edifices, 
agreeably to the promptings of his generous heart, through which 
streams of water should be made to flow, and the terraces of 
which should overlook the river. When, after a long search, a 
piece of ground outside of the city of Dehli, lying between the 
most distant suburbs and Nurgarh, commonly called Salimgarh, 
was fixed upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the 
night of Friday, the 25th of Zi-1 hijja, in the twelfth year 
of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 a.h., being the 
time appointed by the astrologers, the foundations were marked 
out with the usual ceremonies, according to the plan devised, in 
the august presence. Active labourers were then employed in 



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86 'INAYAT KHAN. 

digging the foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of 
Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 a,h. .(1639 a.d.), 
the foundation-stone of that noble structure was laid. Through- 
out the Imperial dominions, wherever artificers could be found, 
whether plain stone-cutters, ornamental sculptors, masons, or 
carpenters, by the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they 
were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers 
were employed in the work. It was ultimately completed on 
the 24th of Rabi*u-1 awwal, in the twenty-first year of his 
reign, corresponding to 1058 a.h., at an outlay of 60 lacs of 
rupees, after taking nine years three months and some days in 
building. 

Firoz Shah's Canal. 

The canal thsit Sult&n Firoz Sh&h Khilji, during the time he 
reigned at Dehli, had made to branch off from the river Jumna, 
in the vicinity of pargana Khizr&b&d, whence he brought it in 
a channel 30 Imperial kos long to the confines of pargana 
Safidun, which was his hunting-seat, and had only a scanty 
supply of water, had, after the Sultfin's death, become in the 
course of time ruinous. Whilst Shah&bu-d din Ahmad Eh&n 
held the government of Dehli, during the reign of the Emperor 
Akbar, he put it in repair and set it flowing again, with a view to 
fertilize the places in his jdgir^ and hence it was called Nahr-i 
Shah&b ; but for want of repairs, however, it again stopped 
flowing. At the time when the sublime attention was turned to 
the building of this fort and palace, it was commanded that the 
aforesaid canal from Khizr&bdd to Safidtin should be repaired, 
and a new channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal 
residence, which also is a distance of SO Imperial kos. After it 
was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i Bihisht. 



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8HAH JAHAN-NAMA. 87 



Twenty-Second Tear of the Eeign, 1058 a.h. (1648 a.d.). 

Advance of the Persians against Kandahar. — Despatch of an 

army thither. 

On the 22nd of the month of Bamaz&n, when the standards of 
prosperity, after their return from Saffdun, were planted at His 
Majesty's private bunting-seat, it reached the ear of royalty, 
through the representations of Uaulat Eh&n, ruler of Kandah&r, 
and Purdil Sh&n, goTomor of fort Bust,^ that Sh&h 'Abb&s the 
Second, having come to the sacred city of Tus^ (Mashhad-i 
Mukaddas),' with intent to rescue the kingdom of Eandah&r, had 
proceeded towards the confines of Khur&s&n, with all his match- 
lockmen ^ and pioneers. It was, besides, reported that he had 
despatched men to Far&h, Sist&n, and other places, to collect 
supplies of grain, and having sent on a party in advance to 
Hir&t, was doing his utmost to block up the road on this side ; 
being well aware that, during the winter, owing to the quantity 
of snow on the ground, the arrival of reinforcements from Hin- 
dustan by way of E&bul and Mult&n was impracticable, he 
proposed advancing in this direction during that inclement 
season, and had despatched Sh&h Eull Beg, son of Maksud Beg, 
his icaziry as expeditiously as possible, with a letter to Court, 
and further that the individual in question had reached Eandah&r, 
and, without halting more than three days, had resumed his 
journey to the august presence. 

His Majesty, after hearing this intelligence, having summoned 
'All&mi SaMu-lla Eh&n from the metropolis, commanded him 
to writQ fartndns to all the nobles and mansahddrs who were at 
their respective estates, jdgirs^ and homes, directing them to 
set out with all speed for Court. It was likewise ordered that the 

> [See auprd, Vol. II. p. 676.] 

» [/A. 678.] 

' [The word which Major Fuller so traoslates is tufangehi.'] 



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88 'INAYAT KHAN. 

astrologers should determine the proper moment for the departure 
of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the capitals 
Lahore and K&bul. 

Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, 'Alldmi 
Sa'dU'lla Khdn, etc., to lead the army against Kandahar. 

As soon as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat Kh&n's 
representations, that on the 10th of Zi-1 hijja, the Sh&h had 
arrived outside the fortress of Eandah&r, and besieged it, the 
ever-successful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bah&dur was 
appointed to proceed thither with ^AU&mi SaMu-lla Khfin, and 
some of the chief officers of State, such as Bah&dur [j^h&n, Mirz& 
B&jd Jai Singh, Bustam Eh&n, B&jd Bithald&s, and Kalich 
Eh&n. Besides these, there were upwards of fifty individuals from 
amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mamabddra, ahadi 
archers, and matchlockmen — the whole number of whom, under 
the regulation requiring them to bring one-fifth of their respective 
tallies of fighting men into the field, would amount to 50,000 
horsemen, and according to the rule enforcing a fourth, to 60,000 — 
as well as 10,000 infantry, matchlock and rocket men, etc. It 
was ordered that subsidiary grants of money out of the State 
exchequer should be made to the nobles and mamabddrB holding 
jdgir8, who were appointed to serve in this expedition, at the 
rate of 100 rupees for every individual horseman, which would be 
a lac for every hundred; that to those who drew pecuniary 
stipends in place of holding jdgirs, three months' pay in 
advance should be disbursed; and in like manner also to tlie 
ahadts and matchlockmen, who numbered 5000 horse, should 
a similar advance be made ; so that they might not sufier any 
privations during the campaign from want of funds to meet their 
current expenses. 

On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being a fortu- 
nate moment, 'AUami was dismissed along with the nobles 
who were present in His Majesty's fortunate train, and 



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6HAH JAHiKN-NAMA. 89 

/armdns were issued to those who were staying in the pro- 
Tince of Kkhnl and other places, to join the royal forces at once. 
Various marks of &YOur and regard were manifested towards 
^AlUmi and his associates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal 
of khiFats^ jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants 
on them, according to their different grades of rank. He also 
forwarded by the hands of 'AUfimi for the gallant Prince— to 
whom an order had been issued previous to this, directing him 
to start instantly from Mult&n and overtake the royal forces at 
Bhimbhar — ^a handsome khU'at. *^ • * It was further commanded 
that the ever- victorious army should hasten to K&bul vid Bangash-i 
b&14 and Bangash-i p&yin, as they were the shortest routes, and 
thence proceed by way of Ghazni towards Sandah&r. 

Loss of Kandahdr. 

On the 8th pf Babi'u-l awwal, when the victorious camp 
started from Jah&ngirdb&d, intelligence reached the Court that 
the servants of the crown had lost possession of the fortresses 
of Eandah&r and Bust, and all the rest in that country ; a detailed 
account of which events is here given. When Sh&h ^Abbas 
came irom Tus to Hir&t, he proceeded from thence to Far&h ; 
where, having halted some days, he marched upon Kandah&r, 
having, however, first despatched Mihr&b Eh&n with some of 
his nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, 'etc., 
amounting altogether to about 8000 horsemen, to besiege the 
fortress of Bust, and Saz Eh&n Baligh with five or six thou- 
sand composed of Kazalb&shls and the troops of KarkI and 
Naksari,^ to subdue Zamiud&war. On reaching that place, he 
fixed his head-quarters in the garden of Oanj Euli Eh&n, 
whilst Daulat Kh&n, who had shut himself up in the fortress, 
having committed the interior of the stronghold to the charge 
of trusty persons, appointed a party of the royal matchlock- 
men and a portion of his own men to occupy the summit of 

^ [Yarioiulj written and doubtful.] 



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90 'INAIAT KHAN. 

the Kambdl Hill. The defence of the towers he left to the 
care of K&kar Kh&n, to whom he also sent some of the^ 
matdilockmeu ; and the protection of the intrenchments below 
the B&shdri and Ehw&ja Ehizr gates he entrusted to Ntiru-l 
Hasan^ bakhahi of ahadis, with a body of the latter who were 
serving under him. He also appointed some of the household 
troops, and a number of matchlockmen belonging to the Eandah&r 
levies, to garrison the fortifications of Daulatab&d and Mandavi, 
and having consigned the superintendence of them to MIrak 
Husain, bakhshi of Eandah&r, came himself from the citadel to 
the former of these two forts, for the purpose of looking after 
the intrenchments. With a wanton disregard to the dictates 
of prudence, however, he did not attend to the defence of the 
towers, that Kalich Eh&n, in the days of his administration, 
had constructed expressly for such an occasion, on the top of 
the hill of Chihal-Zinah (forty steps), whence guns and match- 
locks could be fired with effect into the forts of Daulat&b&d 
and Mandavi. The Eazalb&shis, therefore, seeing those towers 
devoid of protection, despatched a number of matchlockmen to 
take post in them, and open a destructive fire. They also 
laid out intrenchments in two different quarters. • ♦ ♦ 

At length a number of the garrison, from want of spirit, lost 
the little courage they possessed, and Sh&di Uzbek having 
entered into a conspiracy with the Eazalb&shis, seduced Kipch&k 
Ehdn from his duty. Though the latter was not naturally 
inclined at heart to this course of behaviour, yet as his companions 
had their families with them, through dread of losing their 
wealth, their lives, and their good repute,- they would not let him 
follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was necessarily 
compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. Some of the 
Mughal mansabddrs, ahadis, and matchlockmen too, having 
sprinkled the dust of treason on the heads of loyalty, entered 
into a league with them, and having come in front of the fort, 
declared that, in consequence of all the roads being closed, from 
the vast quantity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of 



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BEiLU JAHAN-NAMA. 91 

the early arrival qf succour, and that it was evident from the 
untiring efPorts of the Eazalb&shis, that they would very shortly 
capture the fort, and after its reduction by force and yiolence, 
neither would there be any chance of their own lives being spared, 
nor of their offspring being saved from captivity. The wretched 
Daulat Kh&n, who ought instantly to have extinguished the 
flames of this sedition with the water of the sword, showed an 
utter want of spirit, by contenting himself with offering advice 
in reply. This, however, made no impression on the individuals 
in question, who got up, and departed to their respective homes, 
so that nought but a scanty force being left in the intrenchments, 
the Eazalb&shis entered the Sher-H&ji in several places. As 
for the party that forced an entrance on the side of the B&b&wali 
gate, some of the household troops and Daulat Eh&u's followers, 
who occupied that quarter, rushed upon them, whereupon several 
were killed on both sides. 

Meanwhile, the traitor Sh&di sent a message to the governor 
of the fort, who was stationed at the above gate, to say that 
Muhammad Beg B&ki had come, bearing a letter and message 
from the Sh&h, and accompanied by Sharafu-d din Husain, a 
mansabddr who was ddrogha of the buildings and magazines 
in the fort of Bust. Daulat Khan, on this, despatched Mirak 
Husain Bakhshi, for the purpose of sending away Muhammad 
Beg from the gate ; but as soon as the bakhahi reached the gate of 
Yeskaran, he noticed Kipch&k Eh&n, Sh&di, and a number of 
the Mughal matisabddrs^ sitting in the gateway, and perceived 
that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, and seated him in 
front of them, and that he had brought four letters, one addressed 
to Daulat Kh&n, and the other three to Sh&di, Nuru-1 Hasan and 
Mirak Husain^ and was saying that he had besides some verbal 
messages to deliver. Mirak Husain -therefore turned back, and 
related the circumstances to Daulat Kh&n ; whereupon f hat 
worthless wretch deputed his Lashkar'navis (paymaster of the 
forces) to detain Muhammad Beg there, and send Kipch&k 
Kh&n and Sh&di to him. As soon as these ungrateful wretches 



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92 'INATAT KHAN. 

came, acting in conformity with their advicp, he adopted the 
contemptible resolution of proceeding to an interview with 
Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters he 
brought. The Sh&h also sent a message to the effect, that he 
should take warning from what had ^ready be&Uen Purdil 
Eh&n, the governor of the fort of Bust, and his comrades, and 
neither prolong hostilities any further, nor strive to shed the 
blood and sully the fair fame of himself and his comrades ; and 
with a fiew to acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition 
of the garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhammad 
Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-^ din Husain, whom Mihr&b ELh&n 
had started off loaded with chains in advance of himself. To 
this Daulat Kh&n replied, that he would return an answer five 
days hence; and it having been stipulated that during this 
interval hostilities should not be engaged in on either side, 
Muhammad Beg received his dismissal, and returned to his 
own camp. 

On the 5th day 'All Euli Eh&n, brother of Bustam Kh&n, 
the former commander-in-chief, having come to Sh&di's intrench- 
ment, and deliverjed a message, saying that the Sh&h had com- 
missioned him to ascertain their final decision, the pusillanimous 
Daulat Eh&n, with most of the servants of the crown, went to 
the gate, and invited him in. The latter, after being introduced, 
stated, that as they had already offered as gallant and stubborn 
a resistance as it was possible to make, it was now proper that 
they should refrain from fighting, and, applying themselves to the 
preservation of their lives and property, should send an indi- 
vidual along with him to deliver their reply. The worthless 
Daulat Kh&n accordingly despatched 'Abdu-1 Latif, diwdn 
of Kandah&r, for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in 
company with the above individual, and on the following day he 
returned with the written agreement. 

The villain Shddi, however, without waiting for the governor's 
evacuating the fort, surrendered the Yeskaran gate, which was in 
his charge, during the night to the Eazalb&shis, and hastened 



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SHXH JAHAN-NXMA. 93 

along with Kipch&k Kh&n to the Sh&h's camp. Howerer much 
the miserable Daulat Eh&n exhorted his men to repair to the fort 
on the top of the hill, it was of no avail ; though had he but 
taken shelter there with a detachment, he could have held out 
till the arrival of succour without suffering any harm. On the 
morrow, when the mansabddrs, ahadis, and matchlockmen, who 
were engaged in the defence of the gates of the new and old 
forts, marched out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the 
exception of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Eh&n was 
left with K&kar Eh&n, the base B&j& A mar Singh, and some 
other manmbddrs, as well as a party of his own adherents, every 
spot was in the possession of the Eazalb&shis. 

On the 9th of Safar, this year, ^Ali Euli Eh&n came and said 
that any longer delay could not be permitted 5 whereupon the 
disloyal Daulat Eh&n delivered up a place of refuge of that 
description, and having marched out with his goods and comrades^ 
encamped at a distance of a kos. During the period of the 
siege, which extended over two months, nearly 2000 of the 
Eazalbdsh army and 400 of the garrison were slain. 

Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Eh&n's dastardly 
evacuation of the fort, ''All EuU Eh&n, fsa^ Eh&n, and his 
brother Jamshid Eh&n, came to him, and intimated that the 
Sh&h had sent for him, as well as for some of his chief officers 
and associates. The latter replied that it would be better for 
them to excuse him from this trouble, or, if they were resolved 
upon taking him there, to manage so that there should be no 
delay in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of 
honour, both of which requests were guaranteed by 'All Euli 
Eh&n. The ill-fated Daulat Eh&n accordingly proceeded with 
Eakar Eh&n and Nuru-1 Hasan, in company with the above- 
named nobles, to wait upon the Sh&h, and having received his 
dismissal after a few moments, returned to his own camp, and on 
the 18th of the month of Safar set out with a world of shame 
and ignominy for Hindust&n. 

The Sh&h, in consequence of the horses with his army having 



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94 'INATAT KHAN. 

mostly perished for want of forage, in addition to which a 
scarcity of grain was experienced, appointed Mihr&b Kh&n, with 
about 10,000 Eazalb&shis and slaves, armed with matchlocks, 
to garrison Kandah&r ; and Dost 'All Uzbek with a detachment 
to guard the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Elhur&s&n 
on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress of Bust 
is as follows. • • 

Surrender of Bust 

From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and strife 
raged furiously for 54 days, and many were killed and wounded 
on both sides ; insomuch that during this period close upon 
600 of the Kazalb&shis, and nearly half that number of Purdil 
Kh&n**s followers, met their death. On the 14th Muharram, this 
year, the governor having begged for quarter, after entering into 
a strict agreement, had an interview with Mihr&b Eh&n. The 
latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out of the 600 
men, who had stood by the governor to the last, several persons, 
who, being averse to the surrender, had protracted the struggle ; 
and having made that individual himself a prisoner, together 
with the rest of his adherents, and his family and children, 
brought them all to the Sh4h at Eandah&r. 

In Zamind&war the war was carried on as follows. As soon as 
S&z Ehdn B&ligh besieged the fort, Saiyid Asadu-lla, and Saiyid 
B&kar, sons of Saiyid B&yazid Bukh&ri, who were engaged in 
its defence, sent him a message, saying that the fort was a 
dependency of Eandah&r, and without reducing the latter, its 
capture would be of no use ; and it would therefore be better to 
suspend hostilities until the fate of Kandahdr was ascertained, 
so that blood might not be shed fruitlessly. S&z Khan, con- 
curring in the reasonableness of this proposition, refrained from 
prosecuting siege operations, and having written to inform the 
Sh&h of the fact, sat down to await intelligence. A messenger 
from the Sh&h at length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detail- 
ing the capture of the fortresses of Bust and Eandah&r ; where- 
upon they surrendered the fort. 



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SqAH JAHAN-NAMA. 95 



Advance of the Imperial Army to Kandahdr. 

The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The day that 
'All&mi Sa'du-Ua Eh&n crossed the Nilab with the royal forces, 
Prince Mahammad Auran^eb Bah&dur having arrived from 
Multan, also effected his passage over that river ; and the whole 
of the forces set out at once in His Boyal Highness'*s train 
for Eoh&t. On reaching that place, he halted to await the 
receipt of intelligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter 
arrived from EhaUl Beg, who had been sent on in advance to 
level the road and construct bridges, to the effect that on the 
road through the hill-country along the Kohistdn route the snow 
was lying so deep that even if no more fell the road would not 
probably be passable for at least a month. The ever- victorious 
Prince consequently relinquished his design of proceeding by that 
route, but started in the direction of Peshdwar, by way of the 
pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely rugged and difficult 
road, and without entering that city, pursued his journey by the 
regular stages to K&bul. ♦ * ♦ 

Sa'du-Ua Eh&n having set out with his comrades at full speed, 
came and pitched camp during the night in the suburbs of 
Shahr Saf&. Having left Mubdrak Kh&n Ni&zl to guard that 
city, he marched thence, and in three days reached the neigh- 
bourhood of Eandah&r, on the 12th of Jum&da-l awwal of this 
year ; whence Eas&dah Ehw&ja, which is half a ko8 from the 
fortress, became the site of his camp. As the 14th of the above- 
named month was the time fixed upon for commencing the siege, 
he halted next day to await the arrival of the victorious Prince, 
and the advent of the appointed time for the siege, but rode out 
in company with the commanders of the royal forces, and made a 
reconnoitring tour round the fortifications. On the 14th the 
Prince came up from the rear, and having joined the army, fixed 
his head-quarters half a koa from the fortress. * • ♦ 



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96 'INAYAT KHAN, 



Twenty-third tear of the Beion, 1059 a.h- (1649 a.d.). 

As it was represented that during the progress of the 
yictorious forces towards Eandah&r a great deal of the cnlti- 
yation of Ghazni and its dependencies had been trodden under 
foot by the army, the merciful monarchy the cherisher of his 
people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold mohurs, in charge of 
a trusty individual, with directions to inquire into the loss 
sustained by the agriculturists, and distribute it amongst them 
accordingly. 

After the fortress of Kandah&r had been besieged for three 
months and a half, so that grain and fodder were beginning to get 
scarce, notwithstanding the praiseworthy exertions of the faithful 
servants of the crown, owing to their having with them neither 
a siege train of battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the 
capture of the fortress seemed as distant as ever. For these 
reasons, and as the winter also was close at hand, a farmdn was 
issued to the illustrious Prince, to the eflFect that, as the reduc- 
tion of the fortress without the aid of heavy guns was imprac- 
ticable, and there was not now sufficient time remaining for them 
to arrive in, he should defer its capture till a more convenient 
opportunity, and start for Hindust&n with the victorious troops. 
The Prince Buland Ikb&l D&rd Shukoh was also ordered to 
tarry some time at K&bul, and directly he heard the news 
of the Eandah&r army's arrival at Ghazni, to set out for the 
presence. * * 

As the winter was now close at hand, and forage had become 
unattainable, notwithstanding hearing of the death of M ihr&b 
Khan, the kiladdr^ from a number of persons, who came 
out of the fortress, the Prince did not deem it expedient to delay 
any longer, but, in obedience to the mandate worthy of all atten- 
tion, set out with the victorious forces from Kandah&r on the 
8th of the month of Bamaz&n this year for Hindust&n. * * 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. 97 

TWEWTY-FOURTH YbAB OF THB SsiGN, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.T).). 

The Emperor excused the Fast 

As his most gracioas Majesty had this year advanced in joy 
and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the divine precepts 
sanctioning the non-observance of the &st came into force, the 
learned doctors and muftis^ according to the glorious ordi- 
nances of the Kur£n, by way of fulfilling the commandmeats of 
the law, decreed that it would be lawful for His Majesty, 
whose blessed person is the source of the administration of the 
world, to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fiist. 
The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of the divine 
law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the deserving poor ; and 
at his oommandy every night during the sacred month divers 
viands and all sorts of sweetmeats were laid out in the ChihaU 
situn in front of the balcony of public audience, with which 
famishing and destitute people appeased their hunger. It was 
further resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be 
pursued during every month of Bamaz&n. 

TwEiHT-FiFTH Tear of the Reion, 1061 a.h. (1650-1 a.d.). 
Subjugation of Tibet. 

On the 23rd Jum&da-s sani, which was the time fixed for 
entering Kashmir, the Emperor alighted in safety at the royal 
apartments of the fort. 

On the 4th of Bajab His Majesty paid a visit to the Mosque, 
which had been erected in the most exquisite style of art, for the 
asylum of learning, Mulla Sh&h Badakhsh&ni, at a cost of 40,000 
rupees, the requisite funds having been provided by Naw&b 
^Aliya, and was surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations 
for the poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of 
20,000 rupees. 

TOL. m. 7 



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98 'INAYAT KHAN. 

On the 12th of this month, Adam Eh&n's munshi and his 
nephew Muhammad Mur&d, as well as the sons of Salim Beg 
K&shghari, who ranked amongst the auxiliaries serving in the 
province of Kashmir, and had stood security for the two former 
individuals, were appointed to proceed to Tibet, with a number 
of zatninddrs^ to exterminate a rebel named Mirzd Jan, and 
subdue the fort of Shkardu, together with the territory of Tibet, 
which had escaped out of the possession of the servants of the 
crown. 

On the 27th of Sha'b&n it reached the ear replete with all 
good, through Xiam Khfin's representations, that the rebel 
Mirz& J&n had no sooner heard of the arrival of the royalists, 
than he evacuated the fort of Shkardu, and became a wanderer in 
the desert of adversity ; whereupon the fort in question, together 
with the territory of Tibet, came anew into the possession of the 
servants of the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded the 
aforesaid Kh&n with an addition to his mansab, and conferred 
the country of Tibet in jdgir on the above-named Muhammad 
Mur&d, as his fixed abode. 

Towards the close of the spring, on account of the heavy rain 
and tremendous floods, all the verdant islands in the middle of 
the Dal, as well as the gardens along its borders, and those in 
the suburbs of the city, were shorn of their grace and loveliness. 
The waters of the Dal rose to such a height, that they even 
poured into the garden below the balcony of public audience, 
which became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming 
tide, and most of its trees were swamped. Just about this time, 
too, a violent hurricane of wind arose, which tore up many trees, 
principally poplars and planes, by the roots, in all the gardens, 
and hurled down from on high all the blooming foliage of 
Kashmir. A longer sojourn in that region was consequently 
distasteful to the gracious mind ; so, notwithstanding that the 
sky was lowering, he quitted Kashmir on the 1st of Bamaz&n, 
and set out for the capital by way of Sh&habdd. 



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SHAH JAHAN-NXMA. 99 

Progress to Kabul, and despatch of 'Alldmi 8a'du4la Khan with 
an immense army for the subjugation of Kandahdr. 

On the night of Monday, the 18th of Eabi^u-I awwal, 
being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicious 
departure to K&bul, the royal train moved from the capital of 
Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen period, too. His 
Majesty despatched ^All&mi with the multitudinous forces 
(resembling the waves of the sea), amounting together with the 
army serving in K&bul to 50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, 
including musketeers, gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for 
the purpose of conquering the country and fortress of Kandah&r, 
Bust and Zamind&war. He was further accompanied by ten 
large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and twenty light 
guns ; the latter of which carried two and two and a half sir 
(four and five lbs.) shot, and during an engagement used to be 
advanced in front of the army ; twenty elephants carrying hathndls, 
and 100 camels with shuturndls, besides a well-replenished 
treasury, and other suitable equipments. He was instructed to 
repair by way of Edbul and Ghazni to Eandah&r, and about 
3000 camels were employed in the transport of artillery stores, 
such as lead, powder and iron shot. ♦ * ♦ 

TwBNTT-SlXTH YeAR OP THE ReIGN, 1062 A.H. (1651-2 A.D.). 

Arrival of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur and Jamdatu-l 
Mulk Sa'du'lla Khdn at Kandahdr, and siege of the fortress. 

On the 3rd of Jum&da-s s&ni, the first month this year, the 
victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bah&dur, who had set 
out from Multdn for Karidah&r, reached his destination. 'Allanii, 
who had hastened thither by way of K bul, having joined His 
Royal Highness on the above date, delivered the kind and 
indulgent fdrman. As it had been determined that the siege 
of the fortress should be commenced simultaneously with the 



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100 'INAYAT KHiCK. 

arrival at Kandah&r, the fortunate Prince, having finished 
marking oat the positions that the royal forces were to occupy, 
invested the stronghold that very day* * * * 

In short, for two months and eight days the flames of war 
burned fiercely, and on both sides numerous casualties occurred* 
On one occasion, when Muhammad Beg Topchi-bdahi (Comman- 
dant of the Artillery), and five or six others of the garrison, had 
been destroyed by a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar^ 
the Kazalb&shis sallied out of the fort and poured down upon 
the trenches; whereupon a desperate struggle ensued between 
the adverse hosts. Another time they fell on ''All&mi''s trenches; 
but a party of his retainers firmly held their ground, and after 
putting a few of their antagonists to the sword^ and wounding 
some others, manfully laid down their lives ; and on the arrival 
of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within the fortifica- 
tions. 

To be brief, the royalists used the most strenuous exertions, and 
laboured with unremitting zeal and assiduity in carrying forward 
the parallels and zigzags of attack, and demolishing the crest of 
the parapet and the bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress 
possessed immense strength, and was filled with all the military 
weapons and stores required for an effective defence, their utmost 
efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm of shot 
and shell that poured on them like a shower of rain fi*om the fort, 
they were unable to advance their trenches beyond the spot they 
had already brought them to. In the interim, out of the seven 
guns which had accompanied the royal army, and were the most 
effectual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the 
Prince's trenches had cracked from constant firing, and had 
become quite unserviceable. As for the other five, which were in 
the trenches conducted by 'All&mi and E&sim Kb&n Mir-i dtish^ 
although they continued to be discharged, yet as they were not 
served by scientific artillerymen, their fire was not so effective as 
could be wished. 

As soon as these particulars became known to His Majesty^s 



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SHAH JAHAK-NiCKA. 101 

world-adorning understanding, and he was informed that the 
capture of the fortress was at that period impracticable; and it 
also reached the royal ear that the Uzbeks and Alm&ns had 
come into the neighbourhood of Ohazni, and excited tumults, as 
already described, ^farmdn was issued to the illustrious Prince 
on the 4th of Sha'b&n, to withdraw his forces from around the 
fortress, and, deferring its capture till some other period, to 
take his siege train along with him and set out for Court. * * 

Departure of the Prince Buland Ikhdl Ddrd Shukohfrom Lahore 
to Kandahdr^ and organization of forces with artillery ^ etc. 

As the Prince Buland Ikb&l, after the return of the army from 
Kandah&r, had guaranteed to conquer that territory, and with 
this view the provinces of K&bul and Mult&n had been bestowed 
upon him. His Boyal Highness, on reaching the capital, applied 
himself to the task of making the requisite arrangements for the 
campaign. In the course of three months and some days that 
he remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, that what 
could not have been otherwise accomplished in a year was 
effected in this short period. Among the siege train was a gun 
called Kishwar^kmhd (clime-conquering), and another Oarh' 
bhanjan (fort-shattering), each of which carried an iron shot one 
man and eight Hra in weight (96 lbs.) ; and they were worked 
by the gunners under the direction of Kdsim Kh&n. 

There was also another large piece of ordnance that carried 
a shot of a man and sixteen airs (1 cwt.), and was plied under 
the management of His Boyal Highness's Mir-i dtish^ as well 
as 80,000 cannon-balls, small and great. He also got ready 
5000 mans of gunpowder, and 2500 of lead, measuring by 
Imperial weight, and 14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected 
as many grain dealers as were procurable, he made arrangements 
for the army commissariat, and the safe arrival of supplies. He 
then despatched a letter to Court, representing that as the moment 
of starting was fixed for the 23rd of Rabi'u-1 awwal, and the pre- 



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102 'INATAT KHAN. 

liminary arrangements for the campaign had been completed, 
if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received their 
dismissal, he woald set out for Kandahfir. A mandate in the 
auspicious handwriting was therefore issued, directing His Boyal 
Highness to start off at the predetermined moment by way of 
Mult&n, on which road provisions and forage were abundant. 
[Long details of the siege."] 

Twenty-Seventh Year op theEbign, 1063 a*h. (1652-3 a.d.). 

Reduction of the Fortress of Bust 

Among the stirring incidents that occurred during the siege 
of Kandah&r was the subjugation of the fortress of Bust by the 
laudable exertions of the servants of the crown, a concise account 
of which is as follows. * ♦ 

Siege of Kandahar raised. 

Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond five 
months, the winter began to set in, all the lead, powder, and 
cannon-balls were expended, and neither was there any forage 
left in the meadows, nor provisions with the army. Afarmdn 
likewise was issued to this effect, that as the winter was close at 
hand, and they had already been long detained in Eandah&r, if 
the reduction of the fortress could not be effected just at once, 
they might stay if necessary some short time longer ; or other- 
wise return immediately. Bustam Eh&n, who had been recalled 
from Bust for the purpose of sharing in the assault, having 
dismantled that fortress, distributed the provisions among his men, 
and reached £andah&r with his comrades, bringing all the 
artillery stores, and property in the Kdr-khdna^ that was there, 
along with him. With an eye therefore to the safety of the 
property mentioned above, he deemed it expedient to return, and 
not one of the royalist commanders proposed staying any longer. 
The Prince Buland Ikb&l consequently, on the 15th ZI-1 ka'da 
this year, set out from Kandah&r for Hindust&n. 



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&UKE JAHAK-NAMA. 103 



Twenty-Eighth Tbae of the Beion, 1064 a.h. (1653-4 a.d,). 

Appointment of 'Alldmi to the task of demolishing the Fort of 
Chitor, and chastising the Edna. 

On the 22nd Zi-1 kaMa, at a chosen moment, the royal 
departure from the metropolis of Sh&hjah&n&b&d to the blessed 
city of Xjmir took place. On the same date, the Emperor de- 
spatched ^All&mi, with a large nnmber of nobles and mansabddrs 
and 1500 musketeers, amounting altogether to 30,000, for the 
purpose of hurrying on in that direction, and demolishing the fort 
of Ghitor, which was one of the gifts (^atdyd) that had been made 
by this Imperial dynasty. From the time of the late Emperor 
Jah&ngir, it had been settled that no one of the B&n&'s posterity 
should ever fortify it; but B&n& Jagat Singh, the father of 
B&J& Jai Singh, having set about repairing it, had pulled down 
every part that was damaged, and built it up very strongly anew. 
He abo directed him, if perchance the B&n& did not tender his 
obedience, to overrun his territory with the royal forces, and 
Inflict suitable chastisement on him. The triumphant standards 
then moved on by the regular marches in the rear of the ever- 
victorious troops. On the 2nd of Zi-1 hijja, when the worlds 
subduing banners were planted at Khalilptir, the B&n&''s confiden- < 
tial t>akils waited on the Prince Buland Ikbal, and begged His 
Boyal Highness to act as their intercessor. When, by his 
mediation, the penitence and humility expressed by the B&nd was 
reported at the threshold of might and majesty, an order was 
issued that His Boyal Highness should send his Jf£r-t buyutdt 
to wait upon tlie B&n&, and deliver the following message, viz. 
that if, with judicious forethought, he would despatch his eldest 
son, the Sdhib-i-tika, to the presence, and a detachment of 
his people under the command of one of his relatives were 
stationed in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be employed 
in the royal service, he should be left in security, or otherwise 
he should be overwhelmed in adversity. 



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104 'INATAT KHAN. 

As the B&n& had again in these days humbly forwarded an 
address to the Prince Buland Ikb&l, requesting him to send 
his dltcdn^ in order that he might start off his sons to Court 
in company with that individual, His Royal Highness obtained 
permission from the Imperial threshold, and despatched Shaikh 
'Abdu-1 Karim, his own diwdn^ to the B&n&. * * 

The exploits of the army that accompanied '*All&mi were as 
follows. On his arriving within twelve ko% of Chitor, which is 
the frontier of the B&n&'s territory, inasmuch as the latter'^s nego- 
ciations had not yet been satisfactorily terminated, he commenced 
plundering and devastating, and depasturing his cattle on the 
crops. On the 6th of Zi-1 hijja, this year, having reached the 
environs of Chitor, he directed working parties with pickaxes 
and spades to overthrow that powerful stronghold. Accordingly, 
in the course of fourteen or fifteen days, they laid its towers and 
battlements in ruins, and having dug up and subverted both the 
old and the new walls, levelled the whole to the ground. The B&n& 
having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at the advent of the 
prosperous banners at Ajmir, the irresistible force of the royal 
arms, the dispersion of the peasantry, and the ruin of his 
territory, sent off a letter containing the humblest apologies to 
Court, along with his eldest son, who was in his sixth year, and 
« a number of his principal retainers, in company with Shaikh 
'Abdu-1 Karim, the Prince Buland Ikbdl's Mzr-i but/utdt A 
farmdn was then issued to Jamdatu-1 Mulk ('AU&mi), that since 
the fort had been demolished, and the B&n& had sent off his 
son to Court, the pen of forgiveness had been drawn through the 
register of his delinquencies at the Prince Buland Ikb&l''s solici- 
tation, and that he should set out himself with the whole of the 
victorious army to the royal presence. 

Marks of distinction bestowed on Prince Bard Shuhoh. 

On the 8th of Babi^u-s s&ni this year, being the expiration of 
the sixty-fifth lunar year of His Majesty's age, a festival was 



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SHiCH JAHlN-NiOiA. 105 

celebrated with exceeding splendour, and was attended with the 
usual ceremonies. In this sublime assembly the Emperor 
kindly conferred on the Prince Buland Ikb&l a handsome 
khiFai with a gold-embroidered vest, studded with valuable 
diamonds round the collar; on both sleeves, and the skirts, 
pearls had been sewn, and it was worth 50,000 rupees; also 
a sarband composed of a single ruby of the purest water, and 
two magnificent pearls, of the value of a lac and 70,000 rupees, 
and a donation of thirty lacs besides. He also distinguished 
His Boyal Highness by the lofty title of Sh&h Buland Ikb&l, 
which had been applied exclusively to himself during his late 
Majesty's reign ; and since in the days of his Princehood a 
chair had been placed at that Emperor's suggestion opposite to 
the throne for him to sit on, he now in like manner directed 
His Boyal Highness to seat himself on a golden chair, that 
had been placed near the sublime throne. 

Twenty-Ninth Tear of the Beign, 1065 a.h. (1654-5 a.d.). 

Campaign in Sirmor. 

Among the incidents of the past year, the appointment and 
despatch of Ehalilu-lla Eh&n during the return from Xjmir, 
with 8000 men, for the purpose of coercing the Zamind&r of 
Srinagar, and capturing the Ddn, have been already detailed by 
the historic pen. The particulars of his advance and return are 
as follows. When the Khan in question set out with the royal 
forces, the Zamindar of Sirmor, who had never felt disposed to 
ally himself with the servants of the crown^ came under the 
guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was then ren- 
dered conspicuous among his compeers by the promulgation of 
an edict from the threshold of empire and sovereignty, investing 
him with the title of B&j& Sabh&k Prak&s. 

Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new metro- 
polis, measuring thirty has in length, and twenty-five in breadth, 



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106 'INATAT KHAN. 

in which ice-houses had been established for His Majesty's 
private use; whence, from the beginning of the month of 
Is&ndi&r (February) till the end of Mihr (September), an 
abundant supply of ice was constantly reaching the metropolis 
during the time that the royal standards were planted there. 
From these emporia porters used to carry loads of snow and ice 
on their backs as far as Dhamr&s, the name of a place situated 
on the bank of the river Jumna at a distance of sixteen koa^ 
but the road to which is extremely difficult. There it was 
packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to Daiy&pur, 
one of the dependencies of pargana Khizr&b&d, which is also 
sixteen kos ofF from Dhamr&s. From that point it was 
transported to the metropolis on board of boats in the course 
of three days and nights. 

Khalilu41a Khdn, in company with the aforesaid B&j& 
and some other zaminddrs of those parts, having reached the 
Dun, which is a strip of country lying outside of Srinagar, 
twenty kos long and five broad, one extremity of its length 
being bounded by the river Jumna, and the other by the Ganges, 
which possesses many flourishing towns in various quarters, laid 
the foundation of a fieldwork close to Eil&ghar, and completed 
it in the course of a week. He then deputed one of the man^ 
mbddrs to keep guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set 
out in advance with the whole of his comrades. On reaching 
Bah&dur Kh&npiir, which is a place belonging to the Dun, and 
lies between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, in consequence of the 
peasantry that dwelt in that neighbourhood having taken refuge 
in the hills and forests and defiles, and obstinately refusing to 
return, he despatched the ever-triumphant troops from every 
side to coerce them, who succeeded in inflicting suitable chastise- 
ment. A number of the rebels therefore fell by the sword of 
vengeance, and many more were taken prisoners ; afler which the 
remainder tendered their allegiance, and innumerable herds of 
cattle fell into the hands of the soldiery. Here, likewise, he 
threw up a fortified post, and left a confidential person with some 



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SHiCH JAHAN-NiCMA. 107 

mansabddrs^ and 500 iniaiitry and matchlockmen, to garrison 
it, 80 that the passage of travellers to and fro might remain 
uninterrupted. Having then set oat himself from thence, he 
approached the town of Basantpur, which is also a dependency of 
the Dun, and halted half-way up the hill. Opposite the above 
town, he constructed another redoubt, in which he posted one 
of the mansabddrs with 250 in&ntry matchlockmen. From 
thence he moved to Sahijpdr, a place abounding in streams and 
fountains, and clothed with flowers and verdure; where he 
erected a fort on the top of an embankment, measuring 1,000 
yards in circumference, and fifteen in height, that had in 
former times been crowned by a stronghold, inasmuch as some 
traces of the ancient works were still visible ; and he deputed a 
trusty individual to hold the post, backed by 250 musketeers. 
On reaching the banks of the Ganges, after crossing which one 
enters the hill- country, he sent a detachment with the royal 
artillery to the other side of the stream, with a view to their 
taking possession of the thdna of Gh&ndi, which is one of the 
dependencies of Srinagar, but lies outside the Dun of Kil&ghar. 

Meanwhile, Bah&dur Ghand, Zamind&r of Kum&yun (Ku- 
maon), under the guidance of a fortunate destiny, espoused 
the royal cause, and came and joined the above-mentioned Eh&n. 
As soon as this fact was conveyed to the Imperial ear, the repo- 
sitory of all good, through the representations of Ehalilu-lla 
Khan, a conciliatory farmdn and a khiPat set with jewels were 
forwarded to him. As the season for prosecuting military 
operations in that region and the fitting period for an invasion 
of the hill-country had passed away, the rains being now at 
hand, and the Dun having been taken possession of, a mandate 
was issued to Khalilu-Ua Kh&n, to defer the campaign in the 
hills for the present ; and after delivering up the Dun to Ghatur 
Bhuj, who had expressed an ardent desire for it, and confiding 
the thdna of Ch&ndi to N&gar D&s, the chief of Hardw&r, to 
set out for Court. The Kh&n accordingly, having set his mind 
at rest by fulfilling these instructions, started for the presence. 



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108 'INAYAT KHAN, 



Mir Jumla seeks protection. 

Another incident was the flying for refuge of Mir Muhammad 
SaMd Ardastdni, sumamed Mir Jumla/ to the Court, the asylum 
of mankind, an account of which event is as follows. The above 
individual, in whose hands was the entire administration of 
£utbu-l Mulk^s kingdom, had, ailer a severe struggle with the 
Kam&tikis, brought under subjection^ in addition to a powerful 
fort, a tract of country measuring 150 kos in length, and 
twenty or thirty in breadth, and yielding a revenue of forty lacs 
of rupees. It also contained mines teeming with diamonds, and 
no one of Kutbu-1 Mulk^s ancestors had ever been able to gain 
possession of any portion of it. Having destroyed several strong 
forts built by the Kam&tikis, he had brought this country into 
his power ; and in spite of long-standing usages, he had collected 
a considerable force, so that he had 5000 horse in his service. 
For these reasons, a faction who were at enmity with him caused 
Kutbu-1 Mulk to be displeased with him, and strove to effect his 
ruin. He had been active in performing such meritorious 
services, and after contending against the zaminddrs of the 
Kam&tik, had subdued so fine a territory, but he did not gain the 
object he sought ; but, on the contrary, reaped disappointment. 
So, using Prince Mahamraad Aurangzeb Bah&dur as an inter- 
cessor, he sought refuge at the Court, the asylum of the world. 
After this circumstance had been disclosed to the world-adorning 
understanding through the representations of the illustrious 
Prince, a handsome khiVat was forwarded to him by the hand 
of one of the courtiers in the middle of this month, together 
with an indulgent farmdn sanctioning the bestowal of a mansdb 
of 5000 on him, and one of 2000 on his son, Mir Muhammad 
Amin ; as well as a mandate accompanied by a superb dress of 
honour for Eutbu-1 Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting him and 
his relations from coming. 



[Afterwards entitled Mn'aziam Kh&n.] 

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SHAH JAHAK-J^XMiu 109 

Account of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb's March to OoJhmda} 

Among the important events that took place towards the close 
of this year was the march of the eyerHsucoessful Prince Mu- 
hammad Anrangzeb Bah&dur to the territory of Golkonda, for the 
sake of coercing Eutba-1 Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary 
offering on behalf of His Majesty^s private exchequer, and his 
uniting in marriage of the latter's daughter with his own eldest 
son, Muhammad Sult&n, an abridged narrative of which is as 
follows. When Mir Jumla sought to ally himself to the 
Imperial throne^ Eutbu-1 Mulk, the instant he gained intelligence 
of the matter, imprisoned Mir Jumla's son, Mir Muhammad 
Amin, together with his connexions^ and having confiscated 
whatever he possessed, both in live stock and goods, forwarded 
him and his relatives to Golkonda. This circumstance having 
soon reached the ear of the fortunate Prince, through the inter- 
vention of news-writers. His Royal Highness despatched a quiet 
letter to Eutbu-1 Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and 
the restoration of Mir Muhammad Amines goods and chattels. 
Having likewise reported the state of the case to the Imperial 
presence, he solicited authority, that in case Eutbu-1 Mulk per- 
sisted in keeping Mir Jumla^s son in confinement, he might be 
permitted to march against him in person, and endeavour to 
liberate the captives ; as supineness in resorting to arms would be 
a souroe of additional lethargy to the opulent lords of the Dakhin. 
On the receipt of his report, tkfarmdn was likewise forwarded with 
the utmost expedition to Eutbn-1 Mulk, by the hands of some 
mace-bearers, respecting the surrender of Mir Jumla's son 
along with his relatives, and the infliction of the consequences of 
disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to the victorious 
Prince, instructing him to set out for his destination with the 
triumphant troops ; and the ever-obeyed commands were issued 
to the governor of M&lwa, and the mamabddrs serving in 

* [Both Muhammad Wfrria and Mohammad S&lih agree in placing iheae aflain of 
Golkonda in the thirtieth year of the reigo.] 



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110 'INATAT KHAN. 

that province, to proceed and join His Boyal Highness as quickly 
as possible. 

In short, as Eutbu-l Mulk, under the influence of the fumes of 
arrogance, would not heed the contents of the letter, the Prince 
despatched his eldest son, Muhammad Sult&n, thither on the 8th 
of Eabf u-1 awwal this year, along with a host of nobles and 
mamahddrs and his own followers. It was further determined 
that the army that was returning from Deogarh should halt in 
that vicinity, and unite itself to the illustrious Sult&n ; and that 
he himself should set out afterwards in the course of another 
month. About this time, the manmbddrs in whose charge the 
khiPats and farmdm had been despatched for Eutbu-l Mulk 
and Mir Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been related 
in its proper place, came and waited on that ward of the divine 
. vigilance. Although it was the realm-subduing Prince's opinion 
• that Kutbu-1 Mulk would release Mir Jurala's son from confine- 
ment previous to the arrival of Muhammad Sult&n, " the tender 
sapling in the garden of prosperity and success,**' at the frontier 
of the Golkonda territory, and that the campaign would not 
consequently be prolonged to any great extent, yet Eutbu-l Mulki 
from excessive negligence and extreme pride, had not the good 
sense to adopt this measure, and hold iYiefarmdn in dread and 
fear. After the last communication the Prince gave orders,^ 
directing Muhammad Sult&n to enter his territory with the 
Imperial troops. On receiving the above farmdn with the 
alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sult&n's approach at the 
head of the royal forces, Eutbu-l Mulk awoke from his deep 
sleep of arrogance and conceit, and sent off Mir Jumla's son, 
along with his mother and connexions. He also forwarded a 
letter to Oourt, intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and 
subservience, in charge of the mace-bearers who had brought the 
farmdn. Mir Jumla's son having joined Muhammad Sult&n 
twelve koa from Haidar&bad, reposed in the cradle of peace and 
safety. Nevertheless as Eutbu-l Mulk, with grasping avarice, still 

> [The text here is Vague and of doubtful meaning.] 



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SHAH JAHAN-NAMA. HI 

retained the goods and property belonging to Mir Jumla and his 
son, and would not deliver them up, the illustrious Sult&n set 
out for the city of Haidar&b&d. Eutbu-l M ulk, on learning this 
news, started oiF his children to Golkonda, which is situated at a 
distance of three kos from Haidar&b&d, and where, owing to the 
impregnability of the position, he was in the habit of depositing 
his secret hoards of treasure; and he followed them shortly after 
himself. Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles, 
and cash he possessed, he likewise removed to the fort of 
Golkonda ; and other property, such as various kinds of carpets, 
porcelain, etc., he made over to the chief of his confidential 
servants, and deputed him to contend with the royal forces. 

Next morning, corresponding to the 6th of Rabi^u-s a&al this 
year, when Muhammad Sult&n, having arrived at the environs of 
Haidar&b&d, was just about to encamp on the banks of the Husain 
S&jar lake, one of Kutbu-1 Mulk's confidential retainers came 
and waited on him with a casket fiiU of jewels that his master 
had forwarded by his hands. Meanwhile^ Eutbu-l Mulk'^s forces 
made their appearance, and assumed a menacing attitude ; but the 
ever-triumphant troops, having engaged in the deadly strife from 
right and left, enveloped the enemy with speed and prompti- 
tude in the rtiidst of a galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty's 
daily-increasing good fortune, having gained the superiority, 
chased the routed fugitives up to the city walls. Many of the 
enemy were accordingly killed and wounded, and the survivors, 
from dread of the royalists* assaults, did not stay within the city 
walls, but fled into the fort. In short, as such an audacious act 
had been perpetrated by Kutbu-1 Mulk, and the bearer of the 
casket of jewels was indicated as the originator of this hostile 
movement, Muhammad Sultdn gave the order for his execution. 

Arrival of Muhammad Sultan at Oolkonda, and Subjugation 
of Saidardbdd. 

On the morrow, Muhammad Sult&n took possession of the 
city of Haidar&b&d, and having encamped outside the walls. 



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112 'INiCTAT KHAN. 

prohibited the soldiery from entering it^ for fear of having Eutbu-l 
Mulk's property plundered, and the effects of the inhabitants 
carried off. He also despatched a confidential servant of his noUe 
father to conciliate the residents of that city, so as to dissuade 
them from dispersing, and to endeavour to protect their wealth 
and property. This day Eutbu-l Mulk sent 200 more caskets 
full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two elephants with silver 
housings, and four horses with gold trappings, to the Sult&n ; 
and that fruitful plant of the gardens of prosperity and good 
fortune detained the bearer of these articles in his camp, as a 
hostage for the restoration of Mir Jumla^s goods, which Kutbu-1 
Mulk still persisted in withholding. Five or six days afterwards, 
he sent eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other things belonging 
to Mir Jumla ; and though, apparently having entered into 
amicable relations, he used to send numbers of people to Mq- 
hammad Sult&n, and make professions of loyal obedience, yet 
he continued strengthening his fortifications, using tremendous 
exertions to complete the requisite preparations for standing a 
siege, and forwarded repeated letters to '^dil "Khka by the 
hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid. 

Arrival of the fortunate Prince at Oolkonda. 

The particulars regarding the ever-triumphant Princess retinue 
are as follows. His Eoyal Highness having reached Golkonda 
from Aurang&b&d in eighteen days, pitched his camp on the 20th 
of the aforesaid Rabi'u-s s&ni a kos from the fort. He then went 
off the road for the purpose of marking out the intrenchments, 
and reconnoitring the defences of the place, and having gained 
intelligence of Eutbu-l Mulk''6 approach, commanded Muhammad 
Sult&n to take post on the left-hand side with his force. At this 
juncture, five or six thousand cavalry and ten or twelve thousand 
infantry came opposite to the army, and kindled the flame of war 
by discharging rockets and matchlocks, whilst the garrison like- 
wise fired off numerous cannons and rockets from the top of the 



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SHiCH JAHAN-KXMA. 113 

ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince, however, with his habitual 
intrepidity, allowed no apprehensions to enter his mind, but 
urged on his riding elephant to the front ; and the heroes of the 
arena of strife, having charged at AiU gaUop in saccessive 
squadrons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish opponents 
stability by their irresistible assaults, victory declared in &vour 
of the servants of the crown. The ever-triumphant Prince, after 
returning to camp, crowned with glory and success, despatched 
the royalists to besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack 
against each front was committed to the vigilant superintendence 
of some trusty individual. 

In short, the friends of €k>vemment began constructing 
intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches ; and as 
Kutbu-1 Mulk, from weakness of intellect, had been guilty of 
such highly improper behaviour, notwithstanding that he had 
again sent four more caskets of gems, three elephants with silver 
housings, and five horses with gold and silver trappings, in 
charge of an intimate friend, begging that he might he allowed 
to send his mother to wait upon His Eoyal Highness, for the 
purpose of asking pardon for his offences ; the Prince, in token 
of his deep displeasure, would not listen to his request, nor grant 
his messenger an audience, but exhorted the besiegers to lavish 
still greater exertions in carrying on the attack with gallantry 
and vigour. After two or three days had elapsed in this 
manner, a vast force of the Eutbu-1 Mulkis made their appear- 
ance on the northern side of the fort, and were about to pour 
down upon the intrenchment of Mirzd Khan, who was engaged in 
the defence of that quarter ; when the latter, becoming aware of 
their hostile intention, made an application for reinforcements. 
The renowned and successful Prince immediately despatched 
some nobles with his own artillery to his support; and these 
reinforcements having arrived at Ml speed, took part at once in 
the affray. Under the magic influence of His Majesty'^s never- 
&iling good fortune, the enemy took to flight ; whereupon the 
. ever-triumphant troops began putting the miscreants to the 
▼01. vn. 8 



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114 'INAYAT KHiCN. 

sword, and allowed hardly any of them to escape death or 
captiyity. After chasing the vain wretches as &r as the fort, 
they brought the prisoners, along with an elephant that had &llen 
into their hands, into Hb Boyal Highnesses presence. 

On this date a trosty person was deputed to go and fetch Mir 
Jumla; and as it reached the Prince's anspicious ear that about 
six or seven thousand cavalry and nearly 20,000 in&ntry of 
Eutbu-1 Mulk, consisting principally of matchlockmen, who 
had been repeatedly defeated and dispersed in the battles men- 
tioned above, had collected together on the southern face of the 
fort, and were standing prepared for action, the illustrious Prince 
mounted and set out in person ;to exterminate the doomed 
wretches. As soon as he drew near, the miscreants had the fool- 
hardiness to advance^, and standing on the brink of a ravine that 
ran between them, fenned the flame of strife into a blaze by the 
discharge of matchlocks and rockets ; whilst from the battlements 
of the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond number, 
played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, however, 
drawing the shield of divine Providence over their heads, pushed 
rapidly across the ravine ; and a detachment of their vanguard, 
by the most spirited efforts, drove the villains two or three times 
to the foot of the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust 
of destruction, and capturing a number more. Several of the 
servants of the Crown perished in this conflict, and others were 
adorned with the cosmetic of wounds ; whilst a number of the 
Prince's retainers also were either killed or wounded. His Royal 
Highness, deeming an additional force necessary for this quarter, 
stationed one there, and having taken possession of the com- 
manding points, and appointed a party of matchlockmen to guard 
them, returned at night from the fleld of battle to his own tents. 

Next day, at Muhammad Sult&n's solicitation, he gave 
Eutbu4 Mulk'^s son-in-law permission to pay his respects, who 
had come two days before with some petitions and a slight 
tributary offering, but had not gained admittance. Having 
refused the jewelry that the latter had brought for him, he 



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SHAH JAHAN-NXMA. 115 

deferred its acceptance till the conclusion of negociations. Aboat 
this time Sh&yista Eh&n joined the armj with the nobles of 
Malw&, whereupon the Prince altered the previous position of 
the trenches, and directed that they should throw up four, opposite 
each front of the fortifications. In these rerj days, too, an Imperial 
edict anived, intimating the despatch of a handsome khiPatj and 
a jewelled dagger with phdl-katdr, for the illustrious Prince, 
and a present of a fine dress of honour, and a mansab of 7000, 
with 2000 horse, for Muhammad Sult&n, as well as a benevolent 
farmdn to Kutbu-l Mulk^s address, granting him a fi-ee pardon. 
By the untiring efforts of the servants of the Grown, however, 
affairs had come to such a pass, that Eutbu-1 Mulk was all but 
annihilated, and every day a number of his followers used to 
turn the countenance of hope towards this prosperous threshold, 
and attain the honour of paying their respects. Alarmed at the 
irresistible superiority of the royal troops, moreover, he had sent 
two of his confidential servants with a tributary offering, and 
tendered his allegiance, consenting to pay all the stipulated 
tribute, due for several years up to Isfiibndi&r of the 29th year of 
this reign, and begging that the amount of that for the present 
twelvemonth might be settled in addition to the former. The 
subject of his daughter's marriage with Muhammad Sult&n had 
likewise been broached ; and the illustrious Prince, consequently, 
deeming it inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon 
just now, kept it to himself. After a lapse of two or three days, 
Kutbu-1 Mulk despatched, agreeably to orders, ten elephants and 
some jewelry, as an instalment of the tribute in arrears, together 
with two more elephants and other articles belonging to Mir 
Jumla's son. For the noble Muhammad Sult&n, too, he sent a 
letter congratulating him on his manaab, two elephants, one of 
which bore silver housings, and a horse with gold saddle and 
jewelled trappings. The Prince then directed that they should 
mount two heavy guns that had been brought from fort I/sa, 
on the top of a mound situated in E&talabi Elhan's intrench- 
ment, and point them against the fortress. 



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116 'INAYAT KHAN. 

As Kutbu-1 Mulk had repeatedly begged permission to send 
his mother for the purpose of asking pardon for his offences, and 
solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered that Muhammad Sult&n 
and Sh&yista Khin should despatch the customary passport. As 
soon as he received that warrant and security, he sent off his 
mother in the hope of gaining his other objects. Accordingly, 
on the 22nd of Jum&da-l awwal, seyeral of His Boyal High- 
nesses intimate companions went out, at his suggestion, to meet 
her, and brought her from the road to Sh&yista Eh&n's camp. 
The latter, having treated her with the deepest respect and at- 
tention, conducted her next day, agreeably to orders, into 
the illustrious presence; where she enjoyed an interview with 
Muhammad Sult&n, and presented two horses. * * As Mu- 
hammad Sult&n represented that she was anxious to be ad- 
mitted to a personal audience, in order to detail her propositions, 
the Prince summoned her into his presence. That chaste matron 
then presented a thousand gold mohurs as nisdr to His Boyal 
Highness as well as ♦ * . 

That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, that Eutbu-1 
Mulk must pay down a kror of rupees in cash, jewelry, elephants, 
etc., and she having consented to obey this mandate, returned to 
the fortress for the purpose of collecting the above sum. 

As a vast number of Kutbu-1 Mulk's partisans, under the com- 
mand of his kotwdl, who had no intimation as yet of the armistice, 
had collected together about two kos from the fortress with hostile 
intentions, the Prince despatched sevei*al nobles and mansabddrs^ 
with 200 mounted musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Sh&yista 
Eh&n''s retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host 
of matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops repaired with 
the utmost celerity to the menaced point, and encamped that day 
close to the enemy'^s position. On the succeeding one, the 
miscreants sent off their heavy baggage and property to a distance, 
and having formed up in line themselves, stood prepared for 
action. Although the royalists several times drove them off 
and dispersed them, yet the shameless wretches kept constantly 



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SHiCH JAHAN-NAMA. 117 

rallying and renewing their assaults, in which they suffered 
numerous casualties, until night supervened ; when the ill-fated 
villains, being incapableof further resistance, took to a precipitate 
flight. A few out of the victorious army were also killed and 
wounded; and the ever-successful troops, after spending the 
night on the ground where the enemy's tents had stood, returned 
in triumph on the morrow. 



Mir JuniUCs coming to wait upon the Prince Muhammad 
Aurangzeb Bahddur. 

At this time, the news of Mir Jurola's arrival in the vicinity 
of Golkonda was made known ; so the Prince forwarded to him 
ihefarmdn and hhiVat that had come for him from Court, by the 
hands of the bearer of it. The latter having been apprised of the 
fact, came out to meet the messenger, from his camp, which was 
pitched four kos the other side of the Husain S&gar lake, and 
after observing the usual marks of respect, received the farmdn 
and hhiVat &om him on the banks of the above-named lake. As 
two days were wanting to the time fixed for his introduction to 
the victorious Prince, he returned for the present to his own 
camp. On the appointed day, the Prince sent out some nobles 
to fetch him, and he having set out with great pomp and 
splendour, enjoyed at a chosen moment the honour of paying 
his respects, and presented 3,000 Ibrdhimis as nisdr. That 
descendant of nobles was recompensed from the munificent 
threshold by the receipt of a superb dress of honour, a jewelled 
tarrah and dagger, two horses, one with a gold, the other with a 
silver saddle, and an elephant with silver housings, accompanied 
by a female one ; and obtained permission to be seated in the 
presence. As peace had now been established on a firm basis, 
the fortunate and successful Prince evacuated the trenches en- 
circling the fortress, on the last day of the aforesaid month, and 
summoned the party engaged in the siege to his presence. 



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118 'INAYAT KHAN. 



Thirtieth Yeae of the Beiok, 1066 a.h. (1656-6 a.d.). 

Painful Death of Sa'durlla Khdn. 

On the 22nd Jum&da-s s&ni 'AU&mi Sa'du-Ua Kh&n, con- 
formably to the sacred text, "When your time of death has 
arrived, see that ye defer not a moment, nor procrastinate/' 
returned the response of Ldbaikd to the herald of God, and 
migrated from this transitory sphere to the realms of immortality. 
For nearly four months he had been labouring under a severe 
and painful attack of cholic ; during the first two months of 
which period, when he was not confined to his bed, he used to 
attend daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no excla- 
mation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the disease 
by attending to Takarrub Kh&n's medical treatment ; but after 
he became confined to his house from the acute agony he was 
suffering, the matter was disclosed to the royal ear ; whereupon 
the skilful physicians in attendance at the foot of the sublime 
throne were commanded to effect his cure. As his appointed 
time of death, however, had come, all their remedies produced no 
effect, and the disease gradually gaining ground, put an end to 
his sufferings. The monarch, the appreciator of worth, expressed 
intense regret at the demise of that deserving object of kindness 
and consideration, and showered favours on his children and all 
his connexions. 



Marriage of Muhammad Sultdn with Kutburl MuWs daughter. 

The sequel to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as follows. 
As the moment for the celebration of Muhammad Sult&n's 
nuptials had been fixed for the morning of the 18th of Jum&da-s 
s&ni in this happy-omened yeHu*, Prince Muhammad Aurang- 
zeb Bah&dur sent his diwdn^ Muhammad T&hir, one day 
previously to Eutbu-1 Mulk, together with the ecclesiastics, and 



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SHAH JTAHAN-NAMA. 119 

forwarded a IMP at. * * Next day, the marriage service was read 
in a fortunate moment, and the hymeneal rites were duly 
obsenred. After a week's interval, the illustrious Prince again 
despatched his own dkwdn and the royal bakhsM into the 
fortress, with a view of fetching that chaste and fortunate 
damsel ; and . commanded several nobles to wait outside the 
fortifications, and accompany her from thence. These obedient 
vassals accordingly acted in conformity with his injunctions, and 
conducted her along with Kutbu-1 Mulk's mother, who had 
accompanied her, to a pavilion that had been erected near His 
Royal Highnesses. Eutbu-1 Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees 
.in gems and other articles by way of dowry. Next day the 
Prince forwarded the farmdn and a superb khiraty the delivery of 
which he had deferred, as has been alluded to in its proper place, 
to Eutbu-1 Kulk, who went out to meet them, and received them 
with the deepest reverence. 

iBeturn of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb from Oolkonda, 
investiture of Mir Jumla with the title of Mtiazzam Khdn^ 
and bestowal of that of Khdn-Jahdn on Shdyista Khdn.] 



Appointment of Prince Muhammad Aurangzeh to conduct the 
campaign of Bijdpur, and dismissal of Mu^azzam Khdn 
[Mir Jumla\ etc., from the presence. 

Among the events of this year was the appointment of 
the victorious Prince Aurangzeb Bah&dur to conduct the 
campaign of Bij&pur, and the dismissal of Mu^azzam Elh&n 
and the other nobles and mansahddrs from the sublime pre- 
sence to share in the above campaign ; a concise version of 
which is as follows. As it had been reported at the threshold of 
royalty, through the representations of the above-named Prince, 
that ^Adil Eh&n had bid adieu to existence by a natural death, 
and his servants had constituted Majhfil lU&hi his successor, who 
professed to be his ofisprfng, it was ordered, on the 18th of Sa&r, 



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120 *INAYAT KHAN. 

that His Boyal Higbness should bastea thither with the Dakhin 
forces, and bring the campaign to a conclusion, in such a way as 
he should deem expedient. An ever-obeyed mandate was also 
issued to Eh&n-Jah&n, to repair expeditiously to Daulat&b&d, 
and remain in that city until the ever-successful Prince's return. 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk Mu'azzam Kh&n, Shah Naw&z Eh&n Safvi, 
Mah&bat Kh&n, Nij&bat Eh&n, Mji Bai Singh, and a number 
more nobles and mamabddrs, whose total strength amounted to 
20,000 horse, were appointed to serve under that ward of divine 
providence ; some being despatched from the auspicious presence, 
and others from their respective homes and jdgirs^ along with 
a great many musketeers both horse and foot, and rocketmen. 
Among those who received their dismissal from the presence, 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk was presented with a handsome kMVaiy etc. * * 
As Mu'azzam Eh&n had reported that he had sent several led 
horses^ adorned with diamonds, rubies, and precious stones, and 
some other articles, that he had taken from the Zaminddr of the 
Kam&tik, to ^Adil Kh&n, the Sh&h Buland Ikb&l despatched by 
the hands of two confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to 
orders, to the latter, respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid 
articles. As 'Adil Eh&n, however, departed this life very 
shortly after the receipt of the mandate, his servants forwarded 
to Court four out of the whole number of led horses, together 
with an epistle from his successor, in charge of the above- 
mentioned slaves. They were accordingly presented on the 1st 
of Babi'u-s s&ni this year, and their value was almost a lac of 
rupees. 



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121 



LXIV. 
Bi^DSH^H-N^MA 

OP 

MUHAMMAD W^RIS. 

[This work is also called Shdh Jahdn-ndma. It is the completion 
of the Bddshdh-ndma of 'Abdu-1 Hamid by his papil and assistant 
Mohammad Wdris, who was appointed to carry on the work 
when his friend and master had become incapacitated by age. 
It embraces the last ten years of Sh&h Jah&n's reign, from the 
beginning of the twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his 
actual reign closed. The work was submitted for revision to* 
'Al&u-l Mulk Tuni, entitled F&zil Kh&n, who became u>a%ir in 
Aurangzeb's days, and the part of the work subsequent to the 
death of 'All&mi Sa'du-lla Eh&n was written by F&zil Kh&n, 
under the command of the Emperor himself. Little is known of 
Muhammad W&ris, but the author of the Ma-dstr-i 'Alamgiri 
records that " On the 10th Rabi'u-l awwal, 1091 (1680 a.d.), 
W&ris Kh&n, news reader, the graceful author of the third 
volume of the Bddihdh-ndmay was killed by a blow of a pen- 
knife from a mad student, whom he had taken under his pro- 
tection, and who used to sleep at night near his patron." 

The work is composed in a style similar to that of 'Abdu-1 
Hamid, and is of considerable length. It closes with a list of 
the shaikhs, learned men and poets who flourished during its 
decade. 

The history of this period of Sh&h Jah&n'^s reign has been so 
frilly supplied by the Extracts from the Shdh Jahdn-ndma of 
'Inayat Eh&n, that only one short Extract has been taken from 
this work. 

Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., twelve 



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122 MUHAMMAD WARIS. 

inches by six and a half, and contains 357 leaves, of nineteen 
lines to the page. There is a copy in the British Museum, and 
one in the Library of the Boyal Asiatic Society.] 

SXTRACT. 

Twenty-second Year of the R^gn. 

\} When the Emperor set off from Sh&hjah&n&b&d to chastise 
the Persians, it was his intention to march on and make no stay 
until he reached E&bul. * * But afterwards it appeared clear to 
his &r-reaching judgment, that it was very improbable that the 
Sh&h of Persia would enter upon a campaign in the winter season, 
when grain and forage are very difficult to procure in that 
country (of Eandah&r). The Emperor's counsellors also repre- 
sented that the Sh&h of Persia had resolved upon this evil 
enterprise in that infatuation which arises from youth and 
inexperience. During the winter he would be busy making 
preparations in Ehur&s&n, and in the spring he would commence 
operations. In this way the late Sh&h 'Abb&s came up against 
Eandah&r in the reign of the Emperor Jah&ngir. The severe 
cold and the heavy snow and rain, together with scarcity of 
provender for the horses, would be sources of great suffering to 
the Imperial army ; so under all circumstances it was desirable to 
postpone the march until the Nau-roz. * * So it was resolved 
to wait the arrival of news from Eandah&r. On the I2th 
Muharram a despatch arrived from the commandant of the 
fortress, to the effect that on the 10th Zi4 hijja the Sh&h of 
Persia had invested the fortress, his evident object being to ac- 
complish this, the first enterprise of his reign, before the spring, 
when the roads would be open for the advance of the Imperial 
army.] 

^ See supr^ p. 87. 



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123 



LXV. 
'AMAL-I SJCLIR 

OP 

MUHAMMAD S^LIH KAMBlT. 

[This, like the other histories of the reign of Sh&h Jah&n, is 
sometimes called Shah JaMn-n&ma. It is a history of the 
reign of that Emperor from his hirth to his death in 1076 a.h. 
(1666 A.D.). 

Muhammad S&lih was a fine scribe,^ so there can be little 
doubt that he is the Muhammad S&lih he himself mentions in 
his list of the noted caligraphists of his time. Mir Muhammad 
S&lih and Mir Muhammad Muman were, he says, sons of Mir 
'Abdu-Ua, Muahkin kalam^ whose title shows him to have also 
been a fine writer. Muhammad S&lih was known as a poet by 
the Persian title Kashfi and the Hindi Subhdn. Both brothers 
were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindi singers. In 
the list of mamabddrs^ Muhammad Salih is put down as com- 
mander of five hundred. 

TJbe 'Amal-i SdUh is a valuable history, and has a good reputa- 
tion in the East. It is not so long as the Bddahdh-ndma of 
'Abdu-1 Hamid and Muhammad W&ris, and it does not enter into 
the same petty details. The latter part of it, devoted to the life 
of Sh&h Jah&n after his deposition, is very brief, and notices 
only the tragic deaths of his sons and his own peaceful decease. 
The style is polished, and often highly wrought and rhetorical. 
At the end of the work the author has added biographical 
notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, physicians, poets, 
and fine writers who were contemporary with Sh&h Jah&n. Also 
a list of princes, nobles, and commanders, arranged according to 
their respective ranks. A borrowed MS.,. belonging to a native 
gentleman, is a folio 13 in. x 9, containing about 1000 to 1200 

B.] 

> See sapra, p. '6, 

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124 MUHAMMAD 8AUH KAMBIT. 

BXTRACflS. 

Thirty-first Year of the Eeion. 

Death of *Ali Marddn Khdn. 

\} Amiru-lUinar&''Ali Marddn Kh&n, being ill with dysentery, 
started for Kashmir, the air of which country suited his consti- 
tution, but he died on his way on the 12th Kajab. * * His sons, 
Ibr&him Eh4n and the others, brought his corpse to Lahore, and 
buried it in the tomb of his mother. He was a noble of the 
highest dignity ; he held a mamdb of 7000 with 7000 horse, 
5000 (hhospas and sih-aapaa. He had an in'dm of one kror of 
dams. Altogether his emoluments amounted to thirty lac8 of 
rupees. His death caused the Emperor great grief.] 

2 Mu'azzam Khdn joins Anrangzeb. Capture of several 
fortresses bebnginff to Bijdpur. Defeat of *Xdil KhdrCs army. 

[Mu'azzam Kh&n departed from Court, and marched with the 
army under his command to Prince Aurangzeb, whom he joined 
on the 12th Babfu-s s&ni. On the same day the Prince, making 
no delay, marched on his enterprise with all the Imperial forces 
and his own followers. In the course of fourteen days he 
reached Gh&ndor. There he left Wall Mahaldar Kh&n with a 
force of matchlockmen, etc., to keep open the communications 
and provide supplies. Next day he encamped under the fort of 
Bidar. This fortress was held by Sidi Marj&n, an old servant of 
Ibr&him 'i^dil Kh&n. He had been commander of the fortress 
for thirty years, and had kept it fully armed and ready. He 
had under him nearly 1000 horse and 4000 in&ntry, consisting 
of musketeers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and walls 
and works were carefully looked after, and he made every pre- 
paration for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince Aurangzeb 

^ See supra, pp. 64» 67. ' See supra, p. 117. 



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'AMAL-I SALIH. 126 

reached the pkce, he resolyed to reduce it. This strong fortress 
-was 4500 yards (darS) in circumference, and twelve yards high ; 
and it had three deep ditches twenty-five yards (ga%) wide, and 
fifteen yards deep cut in the stone. The Prince went out with 
Mu^azzam IShkoi and reconnoitered the fort on all sides. He 
settled the places for the lines of approach, and named the forces 
which were to maintain them. Notwithstanding the heavy fire 
kept up from the bastions and the citadel, in the course of ten 
days Mu'azzam Kh4n and the other brave commanders pushed 
their guns up to the very edge of the ditch and began to fill it 
up. Several times the garrison sallied forth and made fierce 
attacks upon the trenches, but each time they were driven back 
with a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by the 
fire of their guns destroyed two bastions and battered down the 
battlements of the wall. 

On the 23rd Jumada-s s&ni, in the thirty-first year of the reign, 
Muhammad Mur&d, with a body of musketeers and other forces, 
sallied from his trenches to make the assault. As soon as he 
reached the bastion opposite the trench of Mu'azzam Kh&n, he 
planted scaling ladders in several places, and ascended the wall. 
Maij&n, the commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of 
this bastion, and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets and 
grenades (hukka). With his eight sons and all his personal 
followers he stood near this bastion, and with the greatest courage 
and determination endeavoured to resist the assault. Just then, 
through the good fortune which at all times attends the royal 
arms, * * a rocket directed against the besiegers fell into the 
above-mentioned hole, and ignited the gunpowder. A tremendous 
explosion followed, which destroyed many of the enemy. Sidi 
Marj&n and two of his sons were severely burnt. Those who 
escaped the explosion bore him and his sons back into the citadel 
The brave assailants took advantage of this accident, and pouring 
into the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all who 
resisted, and raised the flag of victory. * * The commandant of 
the fortress, with great humility, sued for quarter, and as he was 



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128 MUHAMMAD 8ALIH KAMBIT. 

mortally wounded and unable to move, he sent his sons with the 
keys of the fortress. They were graciously received by the 
Prince, who presented them with khiVaU^ and promised them the 
Imperial favour. On the day afker the giving up the keys, the 
Prince entered the city, and proceeding to a mosque which had 
been built two hundred years before, in the reign of the Bahmani 
Sult&ns, he caused the khutba to be read in the name of the 
Emperor. * * This strong fortress was thus taken in twenty- 
seven days. Twelve lacs of rupees in money, and eight lacs of 
rupees in lead, gunpowder, stores, and other munitions of a 
fortress, were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns. 

Bidar Is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the borders 
of Teling&na. It. is related in the histories of Hinddst&n, that 
Bidar was the seat of government of the B&is of the Dakhin, and 
that the B&is of the Kam&tik, Mahratta (country), and Teling&na 
were subject to the B&i of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King 
Nala of M&lw&, whose story Shaikh Faizi has told in the poem 
entitled Nal o Damans was daughter of Bhim Sen, the marzhdn of 
Bidar. Sult&n Muhammad, son of Sult&n Tughlik, first sub- 
dued the place. After that, it passed into the hands of the 
Bahmanis, and subsequently into the possession of the Kings of 
Bij&pdr. By the favour of God, it now forms «part of the 
Imperial dominions. 

Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of the forces 
of '^dil Kh&n were collecting at Kulbarga, and preparing for 
war. He consequently sent Mah&bat Kh&n with fifteen thousand 
well-mounted veteran cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to 
leave one trace of cultivation in that country. Every building 
and habitation was to be thrown down, and the land was to be 
made a dwelling for the owls and kites. The Kh&n had not got 
far from Bidar, when, in the middle of the next day, two 
thousand of the enemy's horse, at about three kos from the 
Imperial army, seized a number of bullocks, belonging to the 
Banj&ras, while they were grazing, and were driving them off to 
their quarters. Mu'azzam Kh&n and * * led a detachment of the 



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•AMAL-I SALIH. 127 

Imperial forces after them^ to inflict chastisement upon them, and 
release the cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, they over- 
took the enemy, killed a great many of them, and rescued all 
the cattle. Such of the enemy as escaped made off with great 
difficulty, and the royal forces returned. The wretched A&al, 
who had advanced very boldly, when he heard of this disaster, 
was paralyzed, and fled in consternation from Kaly&ni, without 
even waiting for the fugitives to come in, and fell back upon his 
other forces. Mahabat Kh&n then ravaged Kaly&ni, and con- 
tinued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of the 
enemy appeared in the distance, but they continued to retreat. * * 

On the 8th Kajab, J&n Muhammad and A^l and Bnstam, 
the son of Bandaula, and others of the enemy, with about 20,000 
horse, made their appearance n^arthe royal army, and were very 
bold and insolent. * * Mah&bat Kh&n left his camp in charge of 
Subh&n Singh, and marched out against them. The enemy 
began to discharge rockets upon the right wing under the com- 
mand of Diler Kh&n, and a battle followed. * * Mah&bat Eh&n 
was a good soldier ; and when reports were brought to him from 
all parts of the field, he saw that Ikhl&s Eh&n and Diler Kh&n 
were hard pressed. * * So he charged the enemy with such 
impetuosity that they were filled with dismay and fled. The 
victors followed in close pursuit, and many of the frigitives fell 
by their swords. 

Aurangzeb, having left Mu'azzam Kh&a and Ikb&l Kh&n in 
charge of Bidar^ on the 23rd Rajab marched against Kaly&ni. On 
the 29th he reached that place, and on the same day he recon- 
noitered the fortress and invested it. * * On the 8th Sha'b&n the 
approaches were advanced to the edge of the ditch, and the 
besieged were hard pressed. \_Several actions mth and victories 
over the enemy. The country ravaged. Kulbarga occupied.'] 
When the ditch was filled with stones and earth, and the 
bastions and ramparts had been well battered, on the 27th the 
assailants placed their ladders and mounted a bastion which had 
been much damaged, and began to undermine and throw down 



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128 MUHAMMAD SALIH EAMBIT. 

the wall. The besieged made a gallant resistance, and kept up a 
heavy discharge of rockets, arrows, and muskets. Grenades, 
naphtha-balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown from 
the top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on, and 
victory was not &r off. At this juncture Dil&war Habshi, yrho 
with 2500 men held the, place for '^dil Kh&n, felt himself in 
great danger of destruction, and on the 29th wrote a letter 
begging for forgiveness and offering to surrender. Most of the 
garrison were Musulm&ns, so the commandant and all his men 
were allowed to march out with their property and their wives 
and families. On the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 1068, the keys of the 
fortress were given up, and the Prince entered and had the 
khutba read. The commandant sought and obtained permission 
to go to Bij4pdr.] ' 

Illness of the Emperor. 

[Suddenly, on the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 1067 a.h., the Emperor was 
attacked with serious illness in the form of strangury, constipation 
and other sympathetic affections, so that he was unable to attend 
to worldly ^ffibirs. Physicians tried all the remedies of their art, 
but in vain, for the disorder increased. ♦ ♦ In Safar, 1068, 
the health of the Emperor had so improved that he was con- 
valescent, * * and great rejoicings followed.] 



Thirty-second Year of the Reign. 

[In the eyes of his &ther the Emperor, Prince D&r& Shukoh 
was superior to his brothers both in merit and age. When his 
other sons departed to their respective governments, the Emperor, 
from excessive love and partiality, would not allow D&r& Shukoh 
to go away from him. He also evinced the greatest partiality 
and affection for the Prince, providing for his honour and 
dignity. * * 

Shah Buland Ikb&l (D&r& Shukoh) took upon himself to 



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'AHAL-I SJOJS. 129 

interfere in the direction of aflfairs of State, and induoed His 
Majesty to do many nnwise thin^ which tended to create dis- 
turbances. He urged that Mnr&d Bakhsh had divei^p^ed fnm 
the path of rectitude, and had not ceased to act improperly. It 
was therefore advisable to remove him ftom the siiba of Abmad- 
kh&d, and to settle upon him the Jdgir of Bir&r. If he obeyed 
the EmperorVi order and proceeded to Bir&r, his offences might 
be Ibrgiven and clemency be extended to him. But if, from want 
of foresight and intelligence, he should prove refractoiy and 
disobey the orders, he should be suitably chastised and be 
brought to Court und^r restraint. D4r& Shukdi then spoke of 
Prince Aurangseb, and represented that a party of intriguers 
had artfully led him astray, and nolent Dolens had persuaded him 
that he had been worsted by the malice and revenge of his 
brother (D&r& Shukoh), and that he should get the assistance of 
his lM*oiher (Mur&d Bakhsh), w^o had resolved upon rebellion.^ 
He should then march with the splendid army under his com- 
mand to the capital, under the pretence of paying a visit to his 
&ther, and wherever he passed he should subvert the authority 
of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb had set 
himself to win over to his side the great nobles of the State, 
some of whom he had made his own, and that he was endeavour- 
ing to effect his object by secret communications before his 
designs should become public. The money which he had received 
as tribute from Eutbu-1 Mulkhe had spent without permission in 
the raising of forces, and it would not be long before he would 
cast off his obedience and commence a war. It was to be hoped 
that the army which had been sent by the Emperor for the 
reduction of Bij&piir, and vras now with Aurangzeb, might not 
be won over by the money which he had received as tribute ; for 
assuredly, if this were so, it would be a great danger to the State, 
which it would be almost impossible to avert. The first thing to 
be done was to send farmdm recalling all the nobles and their 
forces from the Dakhin. Then a strenuous effort should be made 



^ Here the MSS. differ, and the meaning is not certain. 
▼OL. vn. 

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130 MUHAMMAD SALIH EAMBIT. 

to get possession of the treasure. By these means the strength 
and greatness of the Prince woald be diminished, and the friends 
and allies, the strength of his cause, would fall away. * * 

Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting these 
views, he was quite willing to send the letters. He could not 
resist the influence Prince Ddr& bad obtained over him. So 
letters of the unpleasant purport above described were sent off by 
the hands of some of the Imperial messengers. The messengers 
reached Prince Aurangzeb as he was engaged in directing the 
operations against Bij&pur, and he had the place closely invested. 
The arrival of the messengers disturbed the minds of the soldiers, 
and greatly incensed the Prince; so, much confusion arose. Some 
of the nobles, Mah&bat £h&n, B&o Sattar S&l, and others, went 
off to ^gra without leave or notice. Mu'azzam Kh&n also, who 
was the head and director of this campaign, acted in a very 
ungenerous and foolish way, and wanted to go off to Agra, quite 
regardless of the duty and respect he owed to the Prince. 

This want of support from his followers, and the anxiety he 
felt about the Emperor, led the Prince to accept the proposals of 
the people of Bij&pur. Having settled this difficult matter, he 
marched towards Aurang&b&d ; and as soon as he arrived there, he 
sent messengers in a courteous way ^ to Mu'azzam £h&n, desiring 
him to come and have an interview. The Kh&n would not listen 
to the invitation, and acted in a manner unworthy of a great noble. 
So the Prince ordered Prince S'ultdn Muhammad to set forth 
with all speed and use every expedient to bring the Kh4n to his 
presence. When the directions were carried out, and the Kh&n 
arrived, Aurangzeb immediately provided for his punishment, 
and sent him prisoner to the fort of Daulat&b&d. He seized all 
his treasure, elephants and other property, and gave them into the 
charge of the State treasurers.] 

^ [As rdh i maddrd, which may mean oither ** by way of courtesy " or *' by way 
of disnmulation."] 



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»AMAL.I SAUH. 131 

Bdjd JaewanL 

[After the defeat of Sh&h Shaj&*, and the return of Aurangzeb 
to Agraj the Emperor sent a force ♦ * to inflict salutary punish- 
ment upon B&jd Jaswant. The 'Ri^i feeling himself unable to 
resist, in his great perplexity and alarm, sent some of his servants 
to D&r& Shukohy who, previous to the B&j&'s flight, had arrived at 
Ahmaddb&d, and, without waiting to recover from his toilsome 
journey through the sandy desert, was busily occupied in gather- 
ing forces. ♦ * D4r& Shukoh, having satisfied himself by taking 
from the promise-breaking "R&jk a covenant which the S&j& , 
confirmed with the most solemn Hindu pledges, marched towards 
his country. The Emperor was meanwhile moving towards S&j& 
Jaswant's territory, and he wrote the B&j& a letter, in which ex- 
postulations and threats were mingled with kindness. This letter 
greatly alarmed the "Riji, so that he departed from D&r& and re- 
turned to* his own country. Making use of Mirz& Baj& Jai Singh, 
he wrote a penitent and submissive letter to the Emperor, begging 
forgiveness for his offences ; and the Emperor in his clemency 
forgave him, granted him the sibaddri of Ahmad&b&d, and sent 
him ekfdrmdn, bestowing honours and promising fevours.] 

Fate of the Princes Sulaimdn Shukoh, SuUdn Muhammad 

and Murdd Bakhsh. 

[The zaminddr of Srinagar, having consented to surrender 
Prince Sulaim&n Shukoh^ sent him to Court in the custody of his 
son. Two days after his arrival, the Prince was brought into the 
Emperor'^s presence, who directed that on the morrow he, . 
along with Prince Sult&n Muhammad, should be sent to the fort 
of Qwdlior, and that both should be fed with kokndr.^ * ♦ The 
sons of 'Ali Naki, who had a charge against Mur&d Bakhsh for 
the murder of their father, were sent to Gw&lior, with directions, 
that after a lawful judgment had been given, the retaliation for 

1 [Otherwise called pitita, a slow poison prepared from popples.] 

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132 MUHAMMAD 8ALIH KAMBIT. 

blood should be exacted from the Prince. When they arrived 
at Gw&lior, an inqnirj was made by the K&zl. The Prince was 
resigned to his fiite^ and said, '^ If the Emperor will accept my 
pledges and spare my life, no harm will happen to his throne ; 
bat if he is resolved to take. my life, there is no good in listening 
to such low fellows as these. He has the power, and can do what 
he likes." On the 21st Sabi'u-s s&ni, 1072, under the ord^^ of 
the Eizi, two slaves killed the Prince with two blows of their 
swords. He was buried in the fort of Gw&lior. In the month of 
Shawwal Prince Sulaim&n Shukoh died from the treatment of 
his jailors, in the thirtieth year of his age, and was buried beside 
Murid Bakhsh.] 



SHAHJAHilCN.Nil^MAS. 

[Besides the Skdh^Jahdn^dmas noticed at length, there are among the MSS. 
horrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, seTeral others bearing the same title. 1. '*An 
abstract of the lengthy Shdh^akdn-ndma " (the Bddshdh-ndma) of ' Abdu-l Hamld 
Lahori. This was written in 1225 a.h. (a.d. 1810)» by Mnhammad Z&hid. 2. A 
fragment of another and lengthy Shdh-Jahdn'tidma, by Mii:z& Jal&la-d din Tabfitabli. 
3. A short work by Bhagw&n D&i, which gives brief notices of the ancestors of Sh&h 
Jahfcn, beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Miri& Muhammad J&n Mashhadi. 
This is called Shdh'Jahdn'ndma^ but the title given to it by the author would rather 
appear to be Zafar^ndtM, 5. Another Shdh'Jahdn'n&ma in verae, by Mir Mu- 
hammad Tahya KftshX.] 



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133 



LXVI. 
SHAH JABKN-TSXTAA 

OF 

MUHAMMAD SKDIK KHAN. 

[Thb author of this history of Sh&h Jah&n was Muhammad 
S&dik, who was WdM-nat^ in attendance upon Prince Sh&h 
Jah&n in his campaign against the B&n& during the life of 
Jah&ngir. He afterwards received the title of S&dik Eh&n. 
The work embraces the reign of 8h&h Jah&n '* from his accession 
to the throne unto the termination of the confinement into which 
he fell through the stupidity of D&r& Shukoh/' A copy of the 
work in the British Museum ends with the deposition of Sh&h 
Jah&n, but the author adds that the deposed monarch lived eight 
years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot's MS. goes on without any 
break to the end of the reign of Aurangzeb ; but to have written 
all this, S&dik £h&n must have lived over a century. The 
history of the reign of Aurangzeb turns out to be the same as 
that of the Muntakhabu^l Lubdb of Kh&fi Eh&n^ with some 
slight variations, not greater perhaps than Col. Leea found in 
various MSS. of that work.^ 

The history is of moderate extent, and is written in a simple 
style. Similarity or identity in many passages shows that 
Kh&fi Kh&n used the work for his history of the reign of Sh&h 
Jah&n. There is also among Sir H. M. Elliotts MSS. one 
called Tabakdi'i 8hdfhJahin(^ written by the same author. 
This consists of notices of the great and distinguished men of 
the reign of Sh&h Jah&n. The names are numerous, but the 
notices are short.] 

^ Journal Bojal Asiatic Society, n.8. toL iii. p. 473. 



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134 



Lxvn. 

MAJiaiSU-S SALi!fTrN 

■OP 

MUHAMMAD SHARrF HANAFf. 

The Majdlisu-B Satdtin^ or '^ Assemblies of the Salt&QS,'* was 
written by Muhammad Sharif Hanaff. The reason he assigns 
for writing it is, that no one had courage enough in his time to 
wade through long histories, especially mentioning those of Zi& 
Bami, Eazi 'Aj&z B&dsh&hi, and 'Abdn-1 £&dir, which are each 
works of considerable size, and he therefore determined, notwith- 
standing his constant avocations, to write an abridged history of 
India. In the midst of a hundred interruptions, he set himself 
to the work, but, short as it is, he was nearly faiUng in his 
resolution to coniplete it, and ^' a wind arose occasionally which 
was nearly making his pen fly away like an arrow from a bow, 
and converting his paper into a flying kite.^ At last he asked 
his spiritual teachers for their aid and countenance, and through 
their encouragement he brought it to a completion. 

The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to have 
deprived us of the account of his travels, which, as will be seen 
from one of the following extracts, extended to a distance quite 
unusual in his days. He had travelled from Madura in Southern 
India to Kashmir, and had dwelt for some time in the inter- 
mediate countries ; and he tells us that if he had recorded all the 
wonderfiil things he had seen, he might have filled a thousand 
volumes. He was employed in some public capacity during the 
whole time that he was making these tours, for he signifies that 
he was a person of no mean consideration. 



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HAJALISU-S SALAXrN. 135 

The work was composed in the early part of Sh&h Jah&n's 
reign, in the year 1038 a.h. (1628 a.d.)> according to a chrono- 
gram at the close of the work in which the date is recorded. 

The Mqfdli8U'8 Saldfin is not divided into chapters, but the 
following abstract will show the pages where the principal 
dynasties and reigns commence and end. 

CX)NTBNTS. 

Pre&ce, pp. 1 to 3. 

The Ghaznivides, pp. 4 to 11. 

The Ghorians and subsequent Dehli dynasties, pp. 11 to 121. 

B&bar, pp. 121 to 123. 

Hum&ydn, Sher Kh&n, etc., pp. 124 to 193. 

Akbar, pp. 193 to 200. 

Jah&ngir, pp. 200 to 206. 

Elingdoms of the Dakhin^ Kashmir, etc., pp. 207 to 258. 

Size — 12mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines. 

The copy from which the following Extracts are taken is in 
one of the Boyal Libraries at Lucknow. I know of no other. 

[The Extracts were translated by a munshi and corrected by 
Sir H. M. EUiot.] 

BXTRACTS. 

Anecdotes of Muhammad Tughlik, 

^ After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik 
Bahr&m Abiya, the adopted brother of Sult&u Tughlik Sh&h, 
had revolted in Mult&n, and put 'All Akhti to death, whom 
Sult&n Muhammad ' Adil had sent with orders to summon the rebel. 
The Sult&n, with a view to subdue the rebellion, marched from 
Daulat&bad towards Dehli, and thence reached Mult&n by suc- 
cessive marches. Malik Bahr&m came out to oppose him, but 
was defeated and slain. His head was brought to the Sultan, 
who was about to order a general massacre of the inhabitants of 
Mult&n, and make streams of blood flow, when the staff of the 

^ See suprii, Vol. III. p. 242. 

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136 MUHAMIUD SHAUF HANAFr. 

world, the most religious Shaikha4 Hatdc, oame bare*-hdaded to 
the King's court, and stood before him solioiting pardon for the 
people. The Sult&n forgave them for the sake of that holy man. 
In short, this King called himself just, and generally before 
executing persons he certainly did refer the case for the decree of 
the expounders of the law. 

It is said of him, that one day, having put on his shoes, 
he went on foot to the court of K&zi Kam&lu-d din, the 
Chief Justice, and told him that Shaikh-z&da Jam had called 
him unjust; he demanded that he should be summoned and 
required to prove the injustice of which he accused him, and 
that if he could not prove it, he should be punished according 
to the injunctions of the law. Shaikh-zada J&m, when he 
arrived, confessed that he had made the assertion. The Sult&n 
inquired his reason, to which he replied, '^ When a criminal is 
brought before you, it is entirely at your royal option to pui)ish 
him, justly or unjustly ; but' you go iurther than this, and give 
his wife and children to the executioners that they may do what 
they like with them. In what religion is this practice lawful P 
If this is not injustice, what is it? " The Sult&n remained silent ; 
and when he left the court of the K£zi, he ordered the Shaikh-z&da 
to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on his journey to Daulat- 
dbad he took the prisoner with him on the back of an elephant. 
When he returned to Dehli, on passing before the court of the 
K&zi, he ordered the Shaikh-z&da to be brought out of the cage ^ 
and cut to pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed very 
opposite qualities. He was called by the common people " the 
unjust.**^ There are many similar stories of the atrocities he 
committed. Tyranny took the place of justice, and infidelity 
that of Islam. At last he was seized with fever, and departed 
to the next world, when he was in the vicinity of Thatta, on the 
21st Muharram, a.h. 752 (20th March, 1351 a.d.). The period 
of his reign was twenty-seven years. 

> A few yean later we find the Bfija of Golkonda imprisoned in an iron cage by 
Snlt&n Eulf £atb Sh&h.— Briggs' Firuhta, vol. iii. p. 374. 



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MAJAUSU-S SAUETTK. 1S7 

Acceesion of 8hdh Jahdn} 

When Ndru-d din Muhammad Jah&ngir died, the second 
Lord of the Conjunction^ the rightful heir, Sh&h Ehurram, who 
was entitled Sh&h Jah&n, was in the Dakhin at a distance of three 
months* journey from the place where the Emperor Jah&ngir had 
died. It is well known to politicians that the throne of royalty 
cannot remain vacant for a moment, and therefore the ministers 
of the government and the principal oiScers of the Court con- 
sidered it expedient to place Sult&n D&war Bakhsh, the grandson 
of the Emperor Jah&ngfr, upon the throne for some days ; and 
thus to guard against mutinies and disturbances which might 
otherwise arise. They defeated Sh&hriy&r, who, through his 
vain ambition, had proclaimed himself King in Lahore. The 
Emperor Shah&bu-d din Muhammad Sh&h Jah&n (may his 
dominions and reign increase, and may the world be benefited by 
his bounty and munificence !) also came with a powerful army 
vi& Gujar&t and Ajmir, and soon arrived at Agra, which was 
the seat of his and his forefitthers** government. He mounted 
the throne of sovereignty in the fort of Agra on Monday the 
7th of Jum&da-l &khir, corresponding with the 25th of 
Bahman; and distributed largesses and rewards among his 
subjects. May the Almighty keep this generous and world- 
conquering King under His protection and care ! 

Revenues of IRndustdn and the DakAin. 

It also entered into the mind of this ^* most humble slave 
of Gh)d ^ to write a short account of the different provinces of 
Hinddst&n, and make it a portion of this small work, detailing 
how much of this country was in possession of the Emperor 
Jal&lu-d din Muhammad Akbar and his son Ntiru-d din 
Jah&ngir, and into how many a&baa it is now divided. 

Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hinddst&n, 
which is known to form one-fourth of the inhabited world, and 
1 See saprik, Yol. VL p. 4S5. 



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138 MUHAMMAD SHABrP HANAFL 

reckoned as the largest of all the countries, is divided into 
fourteen s&ba&f or provinces. 

First, the Province of Dehli ; revenue upwards ^f 65,61,00,000 
ddms. Second, the Province of Agra, which is the seat of govern- 
ment ; revenue 82,26,00,000 ddms. Third, the Province of the 
Panj&b^ or Lahore ; present revenue, 82,50^00,000 ddms. Fourth, 
the Province of K&bul, including Kashmir, etc.; revenue 
25,00,00,000 ddms. Fifth, the Province of the Dakhin, or 
Ahmadnagar ; revenue 28,35,00,000 ddms. Sixth, the Province 
of Kh&ndeshandBir&r; revenue 87,32,00,000 (/im«. Seventh, the 
Province of M&lw& ; revenue 28,00,00,000 ddms. Eighth, the 
Province of Gujarfit ; revenue 50,64,00,000 ddms. Ninth, the 
Province of Bih&r, including Patn& and Jaunpur; revenue 
31,27,00,000 ddms. Tenth, the Province of Oudh with its 
dependencies ; revenue 23,22,00,000 ddms. Eleventh, the Pro- 
vince of Ajmir with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000 
ddms. Twelfth, the Province of Allah&bid; revenue 30,70,00,000 
ddms. Thirteenth, the Province of Sind, including Mult&n, 
Thatta and Bhakkar; revenue 40,00,00,000 ddms. Four- 
teenth, the Province of Bengal, which is equal to two or three 
kingdoms ; revenue 60,00,00,000 ddms. 

The revenue of all the territories under the Emperors of Dehli 
amounts, according to the Boyal registers, to six arbs and thirty 
krars of ddms. One arb is equal to a hundred krors (a kror being 
ten millions), and a hundred krors of ddms are equivalent to two 
krors and fifty Ictcs of rupees. Each of the fourteen provinces 
above mentioned formed the territory of a powerful king, and 
was conquered by the sword of the servants of the Chaghat&is. 
Nine of these fourteen provinces have been visited by the poor 
compiler of this book, and the following is a detail of them. 

The Author's Travels. 

He was bom in the province of the Dakhin, and lived five 
years there. Though it is mentioned as one province, yet the 



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HAJALISU-S SALATIN. 139 

whole territory of the Dakhin, through which he travelled with 
his &ther, consists of five provinces. Ahmadnagar is one pro- 
vince, Bij&piir is another, Golkonda is a third ; the Eam&tik, 
which is a large territory extending as far as Setband Bam- 
eshwar, forms a separate province. £h&ndesh and Bir&r, which 
are in reality two provinces, though rated above only as one, 
were visited throughout every space of their whole extent by the 
writer, who has also travelled over the provinces of Gnjar&t, 
M&lw&, Ajmir, Dehli, and ifi^gra, as well as those of the Panj&b 
or Lahore, and Sind, which includes Thatta, Bhakkar and 
Mult&n. By the &vour of God, he possessed authority in all 
these provinces, and visited them as a person of consideration. 
If he were to note down the wonders and curiosities of all the 
places he has seen, he would require to blacken paper equal to one 
thousand volumes. He has therefore avoided enlarging his work. 

He may, however, as well mention, that when in the territory 
of the Eamdtik, he, arrived in company with his father at the 
city of Southern Mathurd (Madura), where, after a few.days, the 
ruler died and went to the lowest hell. This chief had 700 
wives, and they all threw themselves at the same time into the 
fire. This event was related by the compiler of this book at 
Burh&npur, in the presence of the Ifaw&b Eh&n-kh&nan, son 
of Bair&m Kh&n ; but the Naw&b did not believe it. The 
vakil of the B&j& of the Kamdtik, whose name was Kaner B&i, 
was also present at the court of the Naw&b ; and when inquiries 
were made of him respecting the' truth of my assertion, he 
related the event exactly as the writer had done. So the Naw&b 
entered it in his note-book. 

All the people of this territory are idolaters, and eat all the 
wild animals of the forest. There is not a single Musulm&n 
there. Occasionally a Musulm&n may visit the country, deputed 
by Niz&m Sh&h, ^Kiil Sh&h or Kutb Sh&h, but the natives are 
all infidels. The Madarl makings and jogia go by this road to 
Sarandip and the hill-fort of Ceylon, which is the place where 
the impression of Adam's footstep is preserved. 



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140 MUHAHMAD SHARTF HANAFF. 

In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book yiaited the delightful 
land of Kashmir, when he aocompanied the victorioos oamp of 
the Emperor who had an armj as numerons as the fltara, tiz. 
Nuni-d din Muhammad Jah&ngir, and was in the immediate 
service of the most exalted and noble Nawab, the Great Kh&n, 
the best of all the descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief 
of the house of 'Ali, a nobleman of high rank and dignity, viz. 
K&sim Kh&n, may God preserve him ! 



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141 



LXVIII. 
TAErKH-I MUFAZZALt 

OF 

MUFAZZAL KHAN. 

[This is a general history of considerable length, written by Saiyid 
Mnfazzal Eh&n. It begins with the Creation, and conies down to 
1077 A.H. (1666 A.D.)) the tenth year of the reign of Aurangzeb. 
A copy of the Table of Contents from another MS. brings the 
work down to the time of Farrukh Siyar. The work is divided 
into BeYenmakdlas or sections, the sixth and seventh of which are 
devoted to India. In the account of N4sira-d din Kab&cha it 
gives an epitome of the Chach-ndma^ which was translated into 
Persian nnder his patronage.^ It is an extensive work of nearly 
a thousand pages, seventeen lines to the page. The following 
Extracts, apparently translated by a munshi, have been revised 
by Sir H. M. Elliot.] 

EXTBACTS. 

^When Sh&h Jah&n mounted the throne at Agra, all the 
officers of State came to pay their respects to him, but Eh&n- 
Jah&n Lodi, who was one of the greatest oiEcers under the late 
Emperor Nuru-d din Muhammad Jah&ngir, did not attend the 
Court on the plea of illness. This was very displeasing to His 
Majesty, and when at last he did attend the Court, he spoke in a 
very disrespectful tone, which greatly excited His Majesty's anger. 
As a punishment for bis insolence, an order was given to level 
his house with the ground. Being informed of it, he fled imme- 

1 Supri^ Vol. I. pag« 131. 
* See supr^ page 7. 



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142 MUFAZZAL EHAN. 

diately with his whole family and property, and attempted to 
cross the Ghambal, but was pursued by B&j& Bah&dur with a 
large force. Ismat Eh&n, the son of Eh&n-Jahfin Lodi, a boy 
only twelve years of age, came to an engagement with this officer 
and killed him with his own hand. The royalists, on the death 
of their general, made a vigorous attack upon the enemy. Ismat 
Khan* was slain, but Xhan-Jah&n himself escaped and crossed 
the river. 

In A.H. 1040 (1630 a.d.) the Emperor proceeded to the Dakhin, 
and conquered many places there. The fort of Daulat&b&d, 
which was the capital of the neighbouring territory, was taken 
by Kh&n-khdn&n Muhammad Kh&n. 

Such a magnificent and beautiful fort of red stone was built on 
the banks of the Jumn&, that no building like it was ever 
constructed by any of the kings whohad ruled in India. Besides 
other magnificent works, the Peacock throne was made by this 
monarch, which was set with all kinds of precious stones. It 
was prepared at the expense of nine krors nine lacs and one 
thousand rupees. 

SaMu-Ua Khfin and Mudabbir Kh&n, who were both good 
scholars, were deservedly appointed ministers to the throne. 

Prince D&ra Shukoh was married to the grand-daughter of 
Sult&n Parwez, and the nuptial ceremonies were performed with 
such pomp and splendour as was never witnessed before. 

The Mosque of J&ma' Jah&n-numfi was built near the fort 
under the superintendence of Sa'du-lla E[h&n, at the expense of 
ten lacs of rupees. 

Prince Muhammad Mur&d Bakhsh was appointed to the 
Gx)vemorship of Ahmad&b&d in Gujar&t, with the grant of 
an honorary dress and some jewels to the valuB of five lac% of 
rupees ; and Prince Aurangzeb Bah&dur to that of the Province 
of the Dakhin, and a khiPat with a mrpech^ a horse, and jewels 
to the value of five lacs of rupees, was granted to him. They 
were all ordered to go to their respective provinces, and the 
Emperor himself came to ^gra, where he remained nine nionths. 



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TASrKH-I MUFAZZALr. 143 

and then returned to Dehli. As he proceeded on his journey, 
he amused himfielf on the way with all kinds of sports. 

His Majesty had been pleased to assure his mother-in-law, 
the wife of Ksa£ Kh&n, in the days of her pregnancy, that if she 
brought forth a son> he would make him a mansabddr of 5000 
horse ; and accordingly, when a son was bom to her, the rank was 
conferred on the child under the title of Sh&yista Eh&n Bah&dur. 

About the same time Muhammad Difni Shukoh was declared 
to be the successor to the throne, and the entire management of 
the Qoyemment was placed in his hands. The charge was 
accordingly undertaken by the Prince, but Providence had deter- 
mined otherwise. The country was destined to be ruled by a 
juster and better prince, and every circumstance which occujred 
in those days combined to assist him in obtaining the throne. 

Ou the 7th Zi-1 hijja, 1067 a.h. (Sept. 1657 a.d.), the Emperor 
Sh&h Jah&n, who shall henceforth be called ''Kli Hazrat, fell sick 
in Dehli, and was unable to attend the duties of the State. D&r& 
Shukoh, the eldest Prince, intending to avail himself of the eircum- 
stance, so managed that no news regarding the public affairs could 
transpire. This gave rise to great disturbances in the country, 
Mur&d Bakhsh, the fourth son of the Emperor, who was the 
GK>vemor of Gujar&t, seated himself on the throne and declared 
himself independent. Shah Shuj&', the second Prince, also 
followed the same course in Bengal and prepared an army. 
D&r& Shukoh, being afraid of his brother Aurangzeb, prevailed 
upon the Emperor during his sickness to recall the forces which 
were with that Prince. His object in taking this measure was 
first to despatch the two rebel princes, Shuj&' and Mur&d Bakhsh, 
out of his way, and then to proceed to the Dakhin against 
Aurangzeb. He took His Majesty to Kgnk in the very height of 
his illness, and sent B&jd Jai Singh with a royal army, and his 
own force under the command of his eldest son Sulaim&n Shukoh, 
against Sh&h Shuj&\ He also ordered B&j& Jaswant Singh to 
march with a large army towards M&lw&, the threshold of the 
Dakhin, to prevent the enemy from advancing. This Hindi 



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144 MUTAZZAL KHAN. 

chief was one of the greatest R&j&s of Hindust&n, and as he was 
very nearly related to the Emperor, he had gained his confidence 
in a considerable degree, and had- obtained a few days before the 
title of Mahdrdji. • • • 

Towards the end of the year 1067 a.h., when, in consequence 
of the Emperor s sickness, disturbances arose in all parts 
of the country, Bim Karain, Zaminddr of Eiiich Bih&r, took 
possession of the territory of K&mrup, which belonged to the 
empire of Dehli. It was also at the same time encroached upon 
by Jat Bijai Singh, B&j& of As&m, who always considered his 
dominions secure from the depredations of the royal army. To 
protect K&mrup, a large army was despatched by land under 
the command of Kh&n-kh£n&n, who, considerbg the service reiy 
important, obtained leave of the Emperor to depart immediately, 
and left Khizrpur on the 13th of Babi'u-1 awwal, in the 4th year 
after His Majesty'^s accession to the throne, and conquered the 
city of Kuch Bih&r on the 27th of the same month. After the 
conquest he changed the name of the city to 'Alamgimagar, 
and on the 28th proceeded to invade ^s&m by way of Ghor&* 
gh&t. After five months' exertions, the city of Eark&lu, which 
the chief residence of the ruler of As&m, was taken on the 
6th of Sha'b&n. An account of the immense booty, both in pro- 
perty and cash, which fell into the hands of the victors, as also of 
the number of men killed on both sides in these battles, and of 
the rarities and wonders of E6ch Bih&r and As&m, together 
with a description of the vegetable and mineral products of the 
country, the manners and customs of the people, and their forts 
and buildings, is fiilly given in the ''Alamgir-ndma, When the 
Emperor received the report of these important conquests fix>m 
the Eh&n-kh&n&n, the general of the royal army, he showed 
great fitvour to his son, Muhammad Amin Kh&n, and honour^ 
him with the grant of a khiVat in his own presence. The Kh&n 
also received a farmdn in approbation of his services, and was 
rewarded with an honorary dress, one kror of ddfM^ and the 
insignia of ihe farmdn and tugh. 



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145 



LXIX 

MIR-i^T-I 'ALAM, 

MIE-AT-I JAHAN-NUMA, 

OP 

BAKHTi^WAB KHA'N. 

These two histories, though circulating under different names^ 
may be considered as essentially one and the same. 

Dr. Bemhard Dom, at p. xr. of the Prefiwe to his " History 
of the Afghans,*" describes the Mir-dt-i ^A'lam as a most valuable 
universal history, written in Persian, by Bakht&war Eh&n, who 
by travel and assiduous study had qualified himself for the task 
of an historian. Dr. Dom mentions also that the history of the 
Afgh&ns by Ni''amatu-lla, which he translated, firequently 
corresponds, word for word, with that found in the Mir^dt-i ^A'lam, 

He gives the following abstract of a copy in the British 
Museum : 

•* Section I. — History of the Patriarchs ; of the Israelite Kings ; 
of Lukm&n and Daniel ; of the Hebrew Prophets ; of Jesus and 
the Apostles ; of the Seven Sleepers ; of some Saints, as Georgius, 
Barseesa, Samson, etc. ; of the ancient Sages, as Solon, Pytha- 
goras, Socrates, Diogenes, Plato, Aristotle, Pliny, Homer, Zeno, 
Ptolemy, Thales, Euclid : after that follows the history of the 
Persian Monarchs and of the Yemen Kings. 

Section II. — History of Muhammad. 

III. — History of the Khalifs of other Dynasties, as the 

Saff&rideSy etc. 
lY. — History of the Roman and the Turkish Em- 
perors, etc. 
VOL. Tn. 10 



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146 BAKHTAWAR KHAN. 

Section V. — History of the Sharife of Mecca and Medina. 
VI. — ^History of the Turkish Kh£ns, etc. 
VII. — History of Ghangiz Kh&n and his successors. 
VIII. — History of diflferent Dynasties in Trdn, etc., after 
Sult&n Abu Sa^Id Bah&dur Kh4n. After that, a history 
of India follows, in which there is the History of the Kings of 
Dehli, from Shahdbu-d din to Ibrdhim Lodi ; of the Kings of the 
Dakhin, of Hum&ytin, Sher Sh£h, Isl&m Shah, and 'Adil Sh&h ; 
of the Kings of Bengal, etc. ; of Jaunpdr, Kashmir, etc. ; 
Huradydn'^s conquest of Kabul." 

Dow also quotes the work as one of his authorities in his 
Continuation of Firishta, and in the Preface to his third volume 
speaks of it as being composed by Nazir Bakht&war Kh&n, a 
man of letters, who led a private life near Faridab&d, within 
a few miles of Agra, and states that it contains the history of 
the first ten years of Aurangzeb. 

This latter description corresponds with the Mir-dUiJahdn-numd 
usually met with in this country ; and though the name of the 
author is the same in both instances, it is evident that Dr. Dom's 
and Colonel Dow^^s descriptions of the portions devoted to Indian 
history can scarcely refer to the same work. The contents also 
of the several books diflFer in many respects, as will be seen from 
the following abstract of the Mir-dUi Jahdn-numd^ which is found 
in India ; but as there can be no doubt that the two works are 
the same in substance, there is reason to apprehend that Dr. 
Dom's description is defective in some particulars. 

The Mir'dUi Jahdn-numd is divided into a Preface, seven Books 
{Ardish\ and a Conclusion. These are subdivided into several 
Sections {namdUh and pairdish) and Sub-sections {namud\ of all 
which the following is a full detail : 

CONTENTS. 

Preface. 

Introduction — Gives an account of the creation of the heaven 
and earth, their inhabitants — ^the Jinns, Iblis, etc. 



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MIR-AT-I 'ALAM. 147 

Book I. — History of the patriarchs, philosophers and kings 
who flourished before the dawn of Muhammadanism. In 
four Chapters. — Chapter 1. On the Patriarchs, — 2. On the 
Ancient Philosophers. — 3. On the Kings of Persia. In five 
Sections. — Section i. The Peshdadians. — ii. The Kai&nians. 
— iii. The Muluku-t Taw&if. — iv. The S&s&nians. — v. The 
Akdsir&s. — Chapter 4. History of the dependencies of Yaman. 

Book II. — An account of Muhammad, his exploits, his 
character and miracles, his descendants and wives, his successors 
and Im&ms, some of his friends and dependents, the learned men 
who expounded the religion^ the Sufias and Mashaikhs. In 
thirteen Chapters. — Chapter 1. An account of Muhammad and 
his exploits. »-i 2. His character and miracles. — 3. His wives. 
—4. His descendants. — 5. The first four Khalifas. — 6. The 
Imams. — 7. The ten disciples. — 8. Friends of Muhammad 
whose names are given in alphabetical order. — 9. The 
followers of Muhammad and their dependents. — 10. The four 
great Im&ms. — 11. The seven persons who were appointed to 
read the Kur&n. — 12. The great expounders of the Kurdn, the 
descent of the holy mantle, the different orders of the sects of 
the Shaikhs. In three Sections. — Section i. The great ex- 
pounders of the Kur&n.— ii. The preservation of the holy mantle. 
— iii. The different orders and sects of the Shaikhs. — Chapter 
13. The holy men of Arabia and Persia, the celebrated saints ^f 
Hinddst&n, and the Muhammadan doctors. In three Sections. — 
Section i. On the Shaikhs and the holy men of Arabia and 
Persia: — ii. The celebrated Saints of Hindtist&n. — iii. The 
Muhammadan doctors. 

Book III. — The 'Ummayides, 'Abb&sides, and those kings who 
were contemporary with the ''Abb&sides ; the Caesars of Rum ; 
the Sharifs of Mecca and Medina ; the Kh&ns of the Turks ; 
Muluku-t Tawdif. In eight Chapters. — 1. The 'Ummayides.— 
2. The 'Abbaside Khalifas. — 3. The kings who were con- 
temporary witt the 'Abb&sides. In eleven Sections. — i. The 
T&hirians.T— if. The Saffdrians. — iii. The S&m&nians. — iv. The 



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148 BAKHTAWAR KHAN. 

Ghaznivides. — ▼. The Ghorians. — vi. The Buwaihides or 
Dailarnis. — vii. The Saljukians. — viii. The Khw&rizm-shdhis. — 
ix. The At&baks. — x. The Isma'ilians. — xi. The Kar&khit&is 
of Kirm&n. — Chapter 4. On the Kings of Bum. In eight 
Sections. — Section i. The Eai&saras. — ii. The Saljukians who 
ruled in Bum. — iii. The Ddnishmandias. — ^iv. The Salikid Ein^s 
who governed in Azurb&ij&n and Bdm. — v. The Saliki& or 
Mankuchakia Kings who ruled in j^zarb&ijan and Kam&kh. 
— vi. The Kar&m&ns. — vii. The rulers of Mal&tiya and Abulist&n. 
— viiL The Ottomans who are called out of respect Khw&ndg&rs. 
— Chapter 5. The Sharife of Mecca and Medina. — 6. The Khdns 
of the Turks. In four Sections. — Section i. History of Turk, 
son of Yafis (Japhet), son of Nuh, and his descendants. — 
ii. T4t&r and his descendants. — iii. Moghul and his descendants. 
— iv. L&njar K&-an and his descendants. — Chapter 7. Changiz 
Kh&n and his descendants. In seven Sections.— Section i. 
Changiz Kh&n. — ii. Descendants of Changiz Kh4n who ruled in 
Ulugh-y6rat, which was the seat of his government. — ^iii. His 
descendants who obtained the rank of Kh&n in the desert of 
Kipch&k. — iv. His descendants who obtained the same rank in 
the country of frdn. — v. The Khans of Tur&n who were the 
descendants of Chaghat&i Kh&n, son of Changiz Kh&n. — vi. The 
Shaibfinia Kings. — vii. The Kh&ns of Kdshghar who were the 
descendants of Chaghatdi Kh4n, son of Changiz Kh&n. — 
Chapter 8. Muluku-t Taw&if, who reigned in tr&n after Sult&n 
Abu Sa'id Bahadur Khan. In five Sections. — Section i. The 
Ch6b&nians. — ii. The HkAnians. — iii. Amir Shaikh Abu-1 
Ishdk Injii and the Muzaffarides. — ^iv. The Kurt Kings. — v. The 
Sarabd&rians. 

Book IV.— Timur and his descendants who ruled in fr&n and 
Tur&n ; the K&r&-kdinlu and A[k-ku(nlu rulers ; ^ the Sa&wiya 
Kings. In four Chapters. — Chapter 1. Timtir and his descen- 
dants who governed in Trdn and Turdn. — 2. The Gurg&nian 
rulers who ruled in tr&n and Khuras&n. — 3. The Kdrd-kuinld 
1 See Buprli, Vol. IV. p. 299, 



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MIE-AT-I 'ALAM. 149 

Kings. — i. The Safawiyd Kings who still occupy the throne of 
the country of tr&n. 

Book V. — An account of Hindust&n ; religious notions of the 
Hindus ; Sult&ns of Dehli and other parts of Hindust&n, where 
at present the khutha is read and coin struck in the name of the 
Emperor, An Introduction and nine Chapters. — Introduction. 
On the religious notions of the Hind6s, history of some of the 
B&is of Hindiist&n, and the dawn of Muhammadanism in this 
country. — Chapter 1. Kings of Dehli from Shahdbu-d din 
Ghori to Sult&n Ibr&him Lodi.— 2. Rulers of the Dakhin. In 
six Sections. — rSection i. The Bahmanis. — ii. The Baridis. — iii. 
The amid-Shdhis.— iv. The Niz&mu-l Mulkis.— v. The 'Adil- 
Khdnis.— vi. Kutbu-1 Mulkis. — Chapter 3. The Rulers of 
Gujar&t. — 4. Chiefs of Sind. In two Sections.— Section i. Kings 
of Thatta. — ^ii. Rulers of Multin. — Chapter 5. Princes of Bengal. 
—6. Chiefs of M&lw&.— 7. The F&rfikis of Khdndesh.— 8. The 
Eastern Kings of Jauupur. — 9. Rulers of Kashmir. 

Book VI. — The Gurgdnians who ruled in Hinddst&n from the 
time of Zahiru-d din Muhammad B&bar to the reign of the 
Emperor Sh&h Jah&n. In five Chapters. — Chapter 1. History of 
B&bar. — 2. Hum&yiin. — 3. Akbar. — 4. Jah&ngir. — 5. Sh&h- 
jah&n. 

Book VIL— Account of Aurangzeb 'Alanigir. In three 
Chapters. — Chapter 1. His history from the time of his minority 
to the period ten years subsequent to his accession. — 2. His 
qualities and character ; his descendants ; the extent of his 
empire ; his contemporary rulers, in five Sections. — Section i. 
His character. — ii. His descendants. — iii. The extent of his 
empire with a detail of the Provinces. — iv. His contemporary 
■rulers. — v. The ancient ministers. — Chapter 3. Contains four 
Sections. — Section i. An account of the learned men of the 
author's time. — ii. The celebrated caligraphers. — iii. Some 
wonderful and marvellous occurrences. — ^iv. An account of the 
authors ancestors. 

Conclusion. — On the Poets, including the Author. 



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150 BAKHTAWAR KHAN. 

Size — Small folio, comprising 1540 pages, each page containing 
an average of 20 lines. 

It will be seen that both Dr. Dom and Colonel Dow ascribe 
the Mir-dUi ^Alam exclusively to Bakht&war Eh&n ; but it may 
be doubted if he had really anything to do with its composition. 
There is in fact very great confusion attending the authorship of 
this work, which ought, I believe, to be attributed almost entirely 
to Muhammad Bak& of Sah&ranpur, an intimate fnend of 
Bakhtawar Eh&n. It may be as well to consider the claims of 
these two, as well as of others, to the authorship. 

I. — ^Bakhtawar E[han. He was a nobleman of Aurangzeb's 
Court. In the tenth year of the reign he was appointed to the 
rank of one thousand, and in the thirteenth he was made 
superintendent of the eunuchs. He was a favourite eunuch of the 
Emperor, who followed his bier for some paces towards the 
grave.^ The Mir-dt-i 'A'lam, of which he is the presumed author, 
and which certainly bears his name, was comprised in a Preface, 
seven A'rdkh, two A/zdiah^ and a Conclusion, and was written in 
the year 1078 a.h., the date being represented by the words 
A%na'% bakht, " the mirror of fortune," which also seems to con- 
firm the title of Bakht&war Kh&n to the authorship of the work. 
He died in 1095 a.h. (1684 a.d.). The Preface states how fond 
the author was of historical studies, and bow he had long 
determined upon writing such a work as this. Towards the end 
of the work, he shows how many works he had written and 
abridged ; amongst others, which are all ascribed by Muhammad 
Shafi^ to Muhammad Bakd, we find an abridgment of the 
Tdrikh'i Alfi and the Akhbdru-l Akhydr. There can be no 
mistake about the person to whom it is meant to ascribe these 
works in this passage, because the same Chapter mentions the 
buildings founded by the person alluded to as the compiler, and 
amongst them are mentioned the villages of Bakht&warptir and 
Bakht&warnagar. 

II. — Muhammad BakA. His name does not appear in the 

^ Kewal Kh&n, in the Tazkiraiu-l Umard, 



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Mia-AT-I 'ALAM. 151 

Preface to the Mir-dUi 'A'lam, but in the biography of him, 
written by Mahammad Shafi\ it is distinctly stated that he wrote 
the work at the request, and in the name, of his intimate friend 
Bakht&war Kh&n, but left it incomplete. 

III. — MuHAMif AD SHAFi\ ^e was the son of the sister of 
Muhammad Bak&, and he tells us in the Preface to the Mir-dt-t 
Jahdn-numd that Muhammad Bak& had left several sheets of an 
historical work incomplete, ill-arranged, and requiring revision, 
and that he was thinking of putting them into shape and render- 
ing them fit for publication, when he was warned in a dream that 
it was a sacred duty he should fulfil towards his uncle's memory, 
that he readily obeyed this injunction, and aft^er supplying what 
was defective in the work, especially on the subject of the 
Prophets, completed his labours in 1095 a.h., the year of 
Bakht&war Kh&n's death; but after it, because he speaks of him 
under a title used only after death, and called his work Mir-dt-i 
Jahdn-numd. This is the history of which the detailed contents 
are given above. The loose sheets he alludes to are evidently the 
Mir-dUi ^Jilam^ though he does not expressly say so, even when 
he mentions that work as one of those composed by Muhammad 
Bak&; nevertheless, as the very words of the Mir-diA *Alam 
and the Mir-dUi Jahdn-numd are identical in the chapters which 
relate to the s^me subjects, there can be no doubt that '^ the loose 
sheets '^ and the Mir-dt-i ^Alam are also the same ; but why the 
credit of the Mir-dUi ^Alam should be so depreciated it is not 
easy to say, except it was done for the purpose of enhancing the 
merit of the nephew's labours. 

IV. — Muhammad Riza. He was younger brother of Mu- 
hammad Bak&. His concern in the work is very incompre- 
hensible, unless on the understanding that, according to the usual 
Indian foible, he had a quarrel with his nephew; for he also 
edited the Jahdn-numd from ** the loose leaves ^^ left by Mu- 
hammad Bakd, without any allusion to the labours of his nephew. 
The precise date of his compilation is not mentioned, but that he 
succeeded Muhammad Shaii' in the work, and must have been 



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162 BAKHTAWAE KHAN. 

aware of what he had done, is evident ; for at the close of the 
work, where he gives an account of his ancestors and relations, 
he mentions the death of Fathu-Ua in 1100 a.h., a date five 
years subsequent to that in which Muhammad Shafi^ had 
stated that Fathn-Ua was still living. Muhammad Biz& 
does not say he had the sanction of a dream for his under- 
taking, but that he had long wished to arrange the dispersed 
sheets of his brother's history, and had only waited for the 
time appointed by destiny to do so, which at last, notwith- 
standing the avocations of his official duties, made its ap- 
pearance, and the result is the Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numd^ a name 
which he gave to the work, in consequence of the implied wishes 
of his brother to that effect ; but as the imperfect work written in 
his brother^s lifetime was called Mir-dt-i *Alam^ it does not 
appear why the name was changed into Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numd^ a 
title chosen with some reason by his nephew, because it represents 
the chronogram of 1095 a.h. The author says his additions com- 
prise an account of the Prophets from Nuh to Muhammad, of 
the Philosophers, of the Im&ms, of the Khallfs, of the Saints of 
Persia, Arabia and Hindust&n, and of the Poets. He says he will 
mention more about his own additions in the Conclusion ; but the 
two copies which I have consulted, one in the MotI Mahal 
Library at Lucknow, and the other in the possession of Eh&dim 
Husain 8adru-8 Suddr of Cawnpore, are deficient at the end. He 
designates the history which Muhammad Bak& wrote at the 
request of Bakht&war Kh&n, as Tdrikh-i ^A'tamgiri, and not 
Mir-dt-i A' lam; but it is evident that in this case also the 
*^ dispersed leaves ^ are those included in the Mir-dt-i A' lam. He 
divides his Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numd into a Preface, eleven A'rdish^ 
and a Conclusion, and has subdivided the work in other respects 
a little more minutely than his predecessor. For instance, he has 
devoted fourteen namdish to an account of the wazirSj which by 
his predecessor is included in one, and he has adopted some other 
minute differences, in order to give an air of originality to his 
work, and give him a title to independent authorship j but the 



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MIE-AT-I 'ALAM. 153 

two works called Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numd may be| considered in all 
material respects the same. Neither of the editors has added 
anjrthing to the history of Aurangzeb^s reign by Mahammad 
Sakd, though he carries it down only to 1078 a.h. 

. It will be seen, therefore, that the real author of these yarioos 
works is Muhammad Bakd, though he is the person to whom 
they are least ascribed, in consequence not only of his attributing 
his own labours to others, but from the prominence which his 
editors have endeavoured to give to their own names. 

His real name was Shaikh Muhammad, and his poetical title 
was Bak&. He was bom in a.h. 1037. In his early youth he 
applied himself to the study of the £ur&n, and in a short space 
of time learnt the whole of it by heart. Having read a few books 
with his father, he went to Sirhind, where he studied several 
branches of knowledge under Shaikh ^Abdu-Uah, sumamed Mi&n, 
and other learned men. He acquired acquaintance with Mu- 
hammadan traditions under the tuition of Shaikh Nuru4 Hakk, 
son of Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Hakk of Dehli, and having obtained his 
permission to teach this branch of learning, he returned to his 
native city of Sah&ranpur, and devoted his time to imparting his 
knowledge to others. Afterwards, by desire of his father, he 
forswore worldly concerns, and directed his whole attention to 
worship and devotion. 

When his father died, he enrolled himself among the disciples 
of Shaikh Muhammad of Sirhind, and made in a short time very 
considerable progress in spiritual knowledge. On again returning 
to his native place, he led, like his ancestors, a retired life. Soon 
after, Iftikh&r Kh&n (Bakht&war Khdn) — ^who from early youth 
had been an intimate friend of Muhammad Bak&, and had 
attained the rank of three thousand horse and the office of 
steward [mir-adrndn) to the Emperor Aurangzeb — ^invited him to 
Court, and secured for him a respectable rank, which he accepted, 
but with much reluctance, and owing only to the importunities of 
his friends. This appears to have been in the fourth year of 
Anrangzeb's reign. Although he held a high rank, and had 



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154 BAKHTAWAB KHAN. 

public daties to attend to, yet he always led a life of retirement ; 
notwithstanding which, we are told that the Emperor was very 
favourably disposed towards him. 

Besides writing the Mir-dUi Alam^ he made extracts from the 
works of Hakim Sandi, the Mantiku-t Tair of Faridu-d din 
Att&r, and the celebrated masnawi of Maul&nd Bumi, ^Hhe 
most eminent writers on Divine subjects, who unanimously agree 
in their religious tenets."" 

He also abridged the Diwdn of Saib and the Sdki-ndma^ and 
composed a Riydzu-l Auliyd^ or history of Saints, and a 
Tas^iratU'8 Shu^ard^ or biography of Poets, with extracts. It is 
probable that much of these two works is comprised in the 
Mir-dt'i Jahdn-numd^ notwithstanding that Muhammad Bizd 
states the loose sheets left by Muhammad Bak& to have been 
deficient in these particulars. The Biydzu-l Auliyd is an exceed- 
ingly useful but rare work^ comprised in 380 pages of 15 lines, 
and its value is greatly enhanced by being arranged alphabetically. 
In the preface to this work the author distinctly states, that in 
the Mir-dt-i *A'lam he had devoted a namdish to an account of 
the Saints, but thought proper to write, at a subsequent period, 
this more copious work upon the same subject. 

He was also an original poet, and his poetical talents are highly 
praised in the Farhatu-n Ndzirin, at the close of Aurangzeb's 
reign. 

Towards the close of his life, he was appointed mrkdr of 
Sah&ranpur, where he erected some usefiil buildings. At the 
instance of his relations and friends he constructed some houses 
on the banks of the tank of Baiw&la in the suburbs of Sah&ranpur. 
He also founded the quarter known as Bakdpura, besides con- 
structing several mosques and public wells. He died in 1094 a.h. 
(1683 A.D.). 

Muhammad Bak& was descended from a distinguished &mily. 
His ancestor, who first came to Hinddst&n from Hir&t, was 
Khwdja Zi&u-d din. He arrived during the reign of Firoz 
Sh&h in 754 a.h. (1353-4 a.d.). He was received kindly by that 



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MIR-AT-I »ALAM. 155 

King, was promoted to be Subaddr of Mult&n, aud received the 
title of Malik Mard&n Daulat. He was the adoptive father of 
Saiyid Khizr Kh&n, who afterwards became King of Dehlf. 
His own liDeal descendants were all men of distinction, in 
their successive generations, until we come to the subject of this 
article. 

The Mir-dt-i ''A'lam^ or the Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numdy is a 
monument of his industry and ability, and though there is 
little of novelty, except the account of the first ten years of 
Aurangzeb's reign, yet the compilation must be considered 
useful and comprehensive. The accounts of the Poets and 
Saints are very copious, and among the best to which reference 
can be made. It is doubtful how &r these portions are to be 
attributed to his pen. They form, certainly, no portion of the 
Mir-dt'i 'A'lam. 

Several works have been formed on the same model as the 
Mir-dUi Jahdn-numd^ and continuations of the work are oc- 
casionally met with, which add to the confusion attending the 
inquiry respecting the original authorship. There is, for 
instance, in the Library of Naw&b Siraju-1 Mulk, ex-minister 
of Haidar&b&d, a large volume styled the Tdrikh-d 'A^lamgir- 
luima^ continued down to the reign of Muhammad Sh&h, 
subdivided in the same way into A'rdUh and Namdish^ etc., all 
taken from the Mir-dt-i Jahdn-numd. The continuation is 
extracted from the Tdrikh-i Chaghatdi. 

This work is not common in India, at least in a perfect form. 
That of Muhammad Shaft is the least rare, and the best copy I 
have seen is in the possession of Saiyid Muhammad Biz&, 
Sadru-8 Sudir of 'Aligarh, though it is not uniformly written. 
It is enriched by some marginal notes written in a.h. 1216 by a 
person who calls himself Muhammad bin 'Abdu-Uah. In Europe, 
besides the copy in the British Museum mentioned above, there is 
the copy in the BibliothSque NationaIe,/oȣb Oentil, No. 48, and 
the copy of Sir W. Ouseley numbered 305 and 306 in his 
Catalogue. He observes that he never saw another copy. 



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156 BAKHTAWAR ZHXX. 

[There is also a copy in the Libraiy of the Boyal Asiatic 
Society, ^ of which Mr. Morley has given a fall account.] 

The cleanest copy I have seen of this work is in the Library 
of MuzaSar Husain Eh&n, a landed proprietor in the Lower Do&b. 
There is a very good copy of the work in the possession of Fakir 
Nuru-d din of Lahore, and a good copy of the first half of the work 
is in the Library of Naw&b ^Ali Muhammad Kh&n of Jhajjar. 

EXTRACTS. 

AurangzeVa Charity. 

When it w^ reported to His Majesty Aurangzeb, that in the 
reign of his father every year a sum of seventy-nine thousand 
rupees was distributed through the Sadrths Sudur amongst the poor 
during five months of the year, — viz. twelve thousand rupees in 
each of the months of Muharram and Babi'u-l awwal, ten 
thousand in Bajab, fifteen thousand in Sha'b&n, and thirty 
thousand in the sacred month of Bamaz&n, — and that during the 
remaining seven months no sum was distributed in charity, — His 
Majesty ordered the Sadru^s Sudir and other accountants of the 
household expenses, that with regard to those five months they 
should observe the same rule, and in each of the other months 
also they should give ten thousand rupees to be distributed among 
the poor ; so that the annual sum expended in charity, including 
the increase which was now made, amounted to one lac and 
forty-nine thousand rupees. 

The Babits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeh. 

Be it known to the readers of this work that this humble slave 
of the Almighty is going to describe in a correct manner the 
excellent character, the worthy habits and the refined morals 
of this most virtuous monarch, Abd-1 Muzaffar Muhiu-d din 
Muhammad Aurangzeb 'Alamgir, according as he has witnessed 
them, with his own eyes. The Emperor, a great worshipper of 
God by natural propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment 
^ Catalogue, p. 62. 



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MIE-AT-I 'ALAM. 157 

to religion. He is a follower of the doctrines of the Im&m Abu 
Hanf& (may Ood be pleased with him !), and establishes the 
five fundamratal doctrines of the Kanz. Having made his 
ablations, he always occupies a great part of his time in adoration 
of the Beity, and says the usual prayers, first in the mayid and 
then at home, both in congregation and in private, with the most 
heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed &sts on Fridays and 
other sacred days, and he reads the Friday prayers in the Jdmf 
ma^id with the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He 
keeps vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, and with the 
light of the &vour of God illumines the lamps of religion and 
prosperity. From his great piety, he passes whole nights in the 
Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps company with men of 
devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne. He gave away 
in alms before his accession a portion of his allowance of lawful 
food and clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the 
income of a few villages in the district of Dehli, and the proceeds 
of two or three salt-producing tracts, which are appropriated to his 
privy purse. The Princes also follow the same example. During 
the whole month of Ramaz&n he keeps fast, says the prayers ap- 
pointed for that month, and reads the holy Kur&n in the assembly 
of religious and learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose 
during six, and sometimes nine hours of the night. During the 
last ten days of the month, he performs worship in the mosque, 
and although, on account of several obstacles, he is unable to 
proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which he takes 
to promote &cilities for pilgrims to that holy place niay be con- 
sidered equivalent to the pilgrimage. 

From the dawn of his understanding he has always re&ained 
from prohibited meats and practices, and from his great holiness 
has adopted nothing but that which is pure and lawful. Though 
he has collected at the foot of his throne those who inspire ravish- 
ment in joyous assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of singers who 
possess lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in 
the commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them 



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168 BAKHTXWAR KHAN. 

sing and play, and though he himself understands music well, 
yet now for several years past, on account of his great restraint 
and self-denial, and observance of the tenets of the great Im&m 
(Shdfi'i), (may God's mercy be on him !), he entirely abstains 
from this amusement. If any of the singers and musicians 
becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes an allowance for him or 
grants him land for his maintenance. 

He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does 
he ever use vessels of silver or gold. In his sacred Court no 
improper conversation, no word of backbiting or falsehood, is 
allowed. His courtiers, on whom his light is reflected, are 
cautioned that if they have to say anything which might injure 
the character of an absent man, they should express themselves 
in decorous language and at full detail. He appears two or three 
times every day in his court of audience with a pleasing counte- 
nance and mild look, to dispense justice to complainants who 
come in numbers without any hindrance, and as he listens to 
them with great attention, they make their representations with- 
out any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress from his impartiality. 
If any person talks too much, or acts in an improper manner, he 
is never displeased, and he never knits his brows. His courtiers 
have often desired to prohibit people from showing so much 
boldness, but he remarks that by hearing their very words, and 
seeing their gestures, he acquires a habit of forbearance and 
tolerance. All bad characters are expelled from the city of 
Dehli, and the same is ordered to be done in all places through- 
out the whole empire. The duties of preserving order and 
regularity among the people are very efficiently attended to, and 
throughout the empire, notwithstanding its great extent, nothing 
can be done without meeting with the due punishment enjoined by 
the Muhammadan law. Under the dictates of anger and passion 
he never issues orders of death. In consideration of their rank 
and merit, he shows much honour and respect to the Saiyids, 
saints and learned men, and through his cordial and liberal 
exertions, the sublime doctrines of Hani& and of our pure religion 



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MIB-AT-I 'ALAM. 159 

have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide territories of 
Hindust&n as they never had in the reign of any former king. 

Hindu writers have been entirely excluded from holding 
public offices, and all the worshipping places of the infidels and the 
great temples of these in&mous people have been thrown down and 
destroyed in a manner which excites astonishment at the success- 
fill completion of so difficult a task. His ^Mfijesty personally 
teaches the sacred kalima to many infidels with success, and 
invests them with khWata and other favours. Alms and dona- 
tions are given by this fountain of generosity in such abundance, 
that the emperors of past ages did not give even a hundredth 
part of the amount. In the sacred month of Bamazan sixty 
thousand rupees/ and in the other months less than that amount, 
are distributed among the poor. Several eating houses have 
been established in the capital and other cities, at which food is 
served out to the helpless and poor,, and in places where there 
were no caravanserais for the lodging of the travellers, they 
have been built by the Emperor. All the mosques in the 
empire are repaired at the public expense. ItndmSj criers to the 
daily prayers, and readers of the khutba^ have been appointed to 
each of them, so that a large sum of money has been and is 
still laid out in these disbursements. In all the cities and towns 
of this extensive country pensions and allowances and lands 
have been given to learned men and professors, and stipends 
have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities and 
qualifications. 

As it is a great object with this Emperor that all Muham- 
madans should follow the principles of the religion as expounded 
by the most competent law officers and the followers of the 
Hanifl persuasion, and as these principles, in consequence of the 
di£ferent opinions of the hdzis and muftis which have been 
delivered without any authority, could not be distinctly and 
clearly learnt, and as there was no book which embodied them 
all, and as until many books had been collected and a man had 
1 This is double the amouat mentioned a little above. 



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160 BAKHTAWAE KHAN. 

obtained sufficient leisure, means and knowledge of theological 
subjects^ he could not satisfy his inquiries on any disputed point, 
therefore His Majesty, the protector of the faith, determined 
that a body of eminently learned and able men of Hindust&n 
should take up the yolnminous and most trustworthy works 
which were collected in the royal library, and having made a 
digest of them, compose a book which might form a standard 
canon of the law, and afford to all an easy and available means 
of ascertaining the proper and authoritative interpretation. The 
chief conductor of this difficult undertaking was the most learned 
man of the time, Shaikh Niz&m, and all the members of the 
society were very handsomely and liberally paid,' so that up to 
the present time a sum of about two hundred thousand rupees 
has been expended in this valuable compilation, which contains 
more than one hundred thousand lines. When the work, with 
God's pleasure, is completed, it will be for all the world the 
standard cKposition of the law, and render every one independent 
of Muhammadan doctors.^ Another excellence attending this 
design is, that, with a view to afford facility to all, the possessor 
of perfections, Chulpi 'Abdu-Uah^ son of the great and the most 
celebrated Maul&n& 'Abdu-1 Hakim of Sialkot, and his several 
pupils have been ordered to translate the work into Persian. 

Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the faithful is 
this, that he has ordered a remission of the transit duties upon 
all sorts of grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on tobacco, 
the duties on which alone amounted to an immense sum, and to 
prevent the smuggling of which the Government officers com- 
mitted many outrages, especially in regard to the exposure of 
females, tie exempted the Muhammadans from taxes, and all 
people from certain public demands, the income of which 
exceeded thirty lac8 of rupees every year. He relinquished the 
Gt>vernment claims against the ancestors of the officers of the 
State, which used to be paid by deductions from their salaries. 
This money ever}>^ year formed a very large income paid into the 
^ The F(Udwa-i 'A'lamgM, 



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MIB-AT-I 'ALAM. 161 

public treasary. He also abolished the practice of confiscating 
the estates of deceased persons against whom there was no Oov- 
emment claim, which was very strictly observed by the account- 
ants of his predecessors, and which was felt as a Tery grievous 
oppression by their sorrowful heirs. The Boyal orders were also 
issued to collect the revenues of each province according to the 
Muhammadan law. 

Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought 
before his accession, as well as after that period, has been given 
above, and we shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. 
At the time when the Boyal army arrived at Balkh, ^Abdu-1 
'Aziz Kh&n^ with a large force which equalled the swarms of 
locusts and ants^ came and arranged his men in order of 
battle, and surrounded the Boyal camp. While the conflict was 
being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the evening 
prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by some 
worldly officers, alighted from his horse and sud the prayers, 
etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indi£ference and presence 
of mind. 'Abdu-1 'Aziz, on hearing of this, was much astonished 
at the intrepidity of die Emperor, who was assisted by God, and 
put an end to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is 
to destroy oneself. 

The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries, 
traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the 
great Im&m Muhammad Ghiz&li (may Ood's mercy be on him !), 
the extracts from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahyd Muniri 
(may his tomb be sanctified !), and the works of Muhl Shirazi, and 
other similar books. One of the greatest excellences of this 
virtuous monarch is, that he has learnt the Eur&n by heart. 
Though in his early youth he had committed to memory some 
chapters of that sacred book, yet he learnt the whole by heart 
after ascending the throne. * He took great pains and showed much 
perseverance in impressing it upon his mind. He writes a yery 
elegant Naskk hand, and has acquired perfection in this art. He 
has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand, and 
VOL. yn. 11 



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162 BAKHTAWAB KHAN. 

having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal 
lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to 
the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. He also wrote an excellent 
Naxtdlih and Shikastah hand. He is a very elegant writer in 
prose, and has acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably 
to the words of God, '* Poets deal in falsehoods,'' he abstains 
from practising it. He does not like to hear verses except those 
which contain a moral. '^ To please Almighty God he never 
turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor gave his ear to a poet." 

The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortu- 
nate and noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and 
care, have reached to the summit of perfection, and made great 
advances in rectitude, devotion, and piety, and in learning the 
manners and customs of princes and great men. Through his 
instruction they have learnt the Book of God by heart, obtained 
proficiency in the sciences and polite literature, writing the 
various hands, and in learning the Turki and the Persian 
languages. 

In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according 
to his orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of 
religion, and all devote their time to the adoration and worship 
of the Deity, to reading the sacred Kur&n, and performing 
virtuous and pious acts. The excellence of character and the 
purity of morals of this holy monarch are beyond all expression. 
As long as nature nourishes the tree of existence, and keeps the 
garden of the world fresh, may the plant of the prosperity of 
this preserver of the garden of dignity and honour continue 
fruitful ! 

The Distances of certain places in Hindustdn'-The Provinces 
and their jRevenues. 

The length of the daily-increasing empire, from the port of 
L&hori, province of Thatta, to the thdnd of Bind&sal in Bengal, 
is 994 royal kosj 1740 common kos known in most parts 



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MIR-AT.I 'ALAM. 163 

of Hindust&D. Each royal ko8 measures 5000 yards, and each 
yard is the breadth of 42 fingers. Two royal ko8 are equal to 
three and a half common kos. From the capital of Dehli to 
L&hori the distance is 437 royal kos^ and 764 common kos ; 
from the same city to thdnd Bind&sal 557 royal ko8y and 975 
common kos. In the same manner, from L&hori to Thatta 25 
royal kos; from Thatta to Bhakkar 31 ko8; from Bhakkar to 
Multdn a little more than 99 kos ; from Multan to L&hore 75 
kos; from L&hore to Sh&h-Jah&n&b&d 170 kosi from Sh&h- 
Jah&n&b&d to Agra 44 kos ; from Agra to All&h&bad 107 kos ; 
from AUdhab&d to Patna 96 kos and a fraction ; from Patna to 
Mungir 37 kos; from Mungir to Akbamagar or Rdj Mah&l 
48 kos I from Akbamagar to Jahdngirnagar, or Dacca, 108 
kos ; from Dacca to Silhet 87 kos ; from Silhet to Bind&sal 30 
kos ; and calculating every stage at twelve kos, the usual travel- 
ling distance in Hindustan, the whole length is 145 stages, or a 
journey of four months and twenty-seven days. The breadth of 
the whole empire is from the frontier of Tibet and the delightful 
province of Kashmir to the fort of Shol&pur, which in the 
prosperous reign of this monarch has been taken from 'Adil 
Kh&n, a distance of 672 royal kosj or 1176 common kos ; from 
Sh&h- Jah&n&b&d, the seat of Empire, to the boundary of Tibet, 
is 330 royal kos, or 577 common kos ; from the seat of the 
Empire to Shol&pur, 342 royal kos, or 598 common kos ; as was 
found by measurement which may be thus detailed. From the 
boundary of Tibet to Little Tibet, 60 royal kos; from Little 
Tibet to Kashmir, 64 kos ; from Kashmir to L4hore 101 kos ; 
from L&hore to Shdh-Jah&n6b&d 105 kos ; from Sh&h-Jah&n&bdd 
to Agra 44 kos ; and from Agra to Burhdnpur 178 kos. At the 
rate of twelve kos a stage, the whole breadth is 98 stages, 
occupying a period of three months and ten days. 

Under the management and care of this virtuous monarch, the 
country of Hindust&n teems with population and culture. It is 
divided into nineteen provinces, and 4440 parganas, the revenue 
of which amounts altogether to nine arbs, twenty-four krors 



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164 BAKHTAMTAE KHAN. 

seventeen lacs, 16,082 ddms, or 9,24,1746,082 ddm$, out of 
which the khdlisa^ or the Bum paid to the royal treacniry, is 
1,72,79,81,251 ddmsy and the assignments oHhejagfrddrSy or the 
remainder, was 7,51,77,34,731 ddms. 

Details of all the Promnces. 

Shd^'ahdndbdd— 285 mahdU; Revenue 1,16,83,98,269 dams, 
A'gra-^230 mahdh-j revenue 1,05,17,09,283 dams. Lahore 
^330 tnahdls; revenue 90,70,16,125 ddms. 4;>nir--235 
mahdls } revenue 63,68,94,882 ddms. Ahmaddbdd^200 mahdb ; 
revenue 44,00,83,096 ddms. AlkMbdd^268 mahdls ; revenue 
43,66,88,072 ddms. Oudh^Ud mahdls; revenue 32,00,72,193 
ddms. Bihdr— 252 mahdls ; revenue 72,17,97,019 ddms. Bengal 
—1219 mahdls \ revenue 52,37,39,110 ddms. Orissar-24A 
mahdls \ revenue 19,71,00,000 ddms. Kashmir— 51 mahdls; 
revenue 21,30,74,826 ddms. The four provinoes of the Dakhin, 
viz. Aurangdbddy Zqfardbdd, Birdr^ and Khdndesh — 552 mahdls ; 
revenuo 2,96,70,00,000 ddms. Mdiwa— 267 mahdls; revenue 
42,54,76,670 ddms. Mulidn— 98 mahdls ; revenue 24,53,18,575 
ddms. Kdbta^40 mahdls ; revenue 15,76,25,380 ddms. Thatta 
—revenue 67,49,86,900 ^ ddms. 

From the concluding Chapter of Wonders and Marvels. 

Those who have visited the territory of Jakkar* and Ladakli 
have heard the following story. In these hills there is found 
a worm which is exceedingly small. It adheres to- the toes of 
the foot, and bites them. No force of haud or instrument is 
able to detach it, but it increases every moment in bulk and 
length, so that, having swallowed up the toe, it becomes equal to 
a large rat, and then swallows the whole foot. After this it 
incraases to the size of a dog, and then swallows up both the 

^ [This is probably a nustake for 5,74,98,690.] 
> The Lanskar of our maps. 



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MIR-AT-I 'XLAM. 165 

legs and np to the waist or half the body of the roan. Although 
the people beat it much and try to cut it, yet no instrument or 
weapon has any effect upon it. In a short time it becomes like 
a lion, and hi^ving eaten the man entirely, goes away towards 
the jungle or the hills, and then disappears. 



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166 



LXX. 
ZrNATU-T TAWARrKH 

OP 

'AZrZIJ.LLAH. 

This " Ornament of Histories," by 'Azizu41ah, is a mere com- 
pilation of no value. The author informs us in his preface that 
he intended composing a second volume, in order to reconcile 
the discrepancies which were observable in different histories. 
Whether he ever did so does not appear, but there is so little 
critical judgment exercised in the single volume we have under 
consideration, that the second is not worth the search. 

In the preface we learn that the work was commenced in 
1086 A.H. (1675-6 A.D.), but passages occur at the close which 
show that the work is brought down to 1126 a.h. It is evident, 
however, that the original work concluded with the account of 
Aurangzeb's children, and that the few last pages, including 
mention of Bah&dur Sh&h and Jah&nd&r Sh&h, have been added 
by some transcriber. In the last volume the date of 1087 a.h. 
is given, which leads us to conclude that the history occupied 
one year in its composition. 

There is nothing worthy of translation. 

CONTENTS, 

Preface, pp. 1-11, 

The Creation. — Adam. — Prophets. — Muhammad. — Im&ms, 
pp. 12-111. 

Persian Dynasties. — Greeks. — Saljuks.— -Osmanlis. — Popes, 
pp. 212-294. 

'Ummayides and 'Abb&sides, pp. 294-410. 



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ZINATU-T TAWARFKH. 167 

Tdhiris. — Tuluniaa. — Ikhshidites. — Ghaini vides. — Buwaih- 
ides. — Isma'ilians. — Sharlfe. — Saiyids, pp. 410-464. 

Ghorians. — ^Afghans. — Mughals, pp. 674-816. 

Kings of Dehli, from the earliest Hindi period to the time of 
Famikh Siyar, pp. 816-996. 

Size. — 8vo. 996 pages, of 17 lines each. 

This work is rare. I know of only one copy. Malcolm, in his 
" History of Persia,"' quotes a Zinatu4 Tawdrikh respecting the 
Ghaznivides, which he describes as a metrical history. 



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168 



LXXI. 
LUBBU-T TAWARfKH-I HIND 

OP 

HKt BRKTIK MAL. 

Thb author of this brief history was Bindrdban^ son of B&i 
Bh&r& Mai, and was himself also honoured with the title of 
Rdi, We learn Aroni the Conclusion of the KhuldBatu-l Inshd that 
R&i Bh&r& Mai was the ditcdn of D&r& Shukoh ; and it is prob- 
able, therefore, that our author was early initiated into a 
knowledge of public affairs. He says that the reason of his 
entering on this undertaking was that, '' after meditating upon the 
conquests made by the Timurian £imily in this country, upon their 
being still more enlarged by "^Alamgir (Aurangzeb) up to the year 
1101 A.H., and upon the fact of their continuing uninterruptedly 
in the possession of the same Bsimily, he thought of writing a 
book which should briefly describe how, and in what duration of 
time, those conquests were achieved, should give the history of 
former kings, their origin, and the causes which occasioned their 
rise or fall, the period of their reign, their abilities and enter- 
prises,* and which should more particularly treat of the great 
conquests made by '^lamgir." 

*'It is true,''' he continues, "that former historians have 
already written several works regarding the history of ancient 
kings, and especially Abu-1 Kfisim, sumamed Firishta, whose 
compositions are very good as far as regards the language, but the 
defect of that work is that, notwithstanding its being an abstract, 
it is in many parts too prolix."*' Adverting also to the fact that 



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LUBBU-T TAWARIKH-I HIND. 169 

his history does not extend beyond the thousandth year of the 
Hijra, and hence the important transactions of one hundred years 
are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to extract its 
essence, and compile, with his own additions, a new work, to be 
called the Lubbu^t Tawdrikh, or ^' Marrow of Histories.^ 

He gives as another reason for the superiority of his work oyer 
others, that it treats of the extensive and resplendent conquests of 
the Emperor 'j^Iamg{r, whose kingdom ext-ended towards the 
East, West, and the South to the seas, and towards the North 
to the boundaries of trin and Tur&n, a vast donunion, to the 
tenth of which no other kingdom is equal. Perhaps Bum only 
might enter into competition with it, but even in that case 
^* seeing is better than hearing." 

OONTENTS. 

Pre&ce, pp. 1-3. 

Section I. — The Kings of Dehli, from Mu'izzu-d din Mu- 
hammad S&m to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256. 

Section II. — The Kings of the Dakhin, viz. the Bahmani, 
'^dil-Sh&h{, Niz&m-Sh^(, Kutb-Shfthf, the 'Im&d-Sh&hf and 
Baridia, or the Kings of Kulbarga, Bij&pur, Ahraadnagar, Gol- 
konda, Bir&r, and Bidr, pp. 256-329. 

Section III.— The Kings of Gujardt, pp. 330-352. 

Section IV.— The Kings of Malw&, pp. 352-374. 

Section Y. — The Kings of Kh&ndesh and Burh&npur, 
pp. 375-386. 
• Section VI.— The Kings of Bengal, pp. 386-398. 

Section VII.— The Kings of Jaunpur, 399-403. 

Section VIIL— The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408. 

Section IX.— The Kings of Multdn, pp. 408-410. 

Section X. — The Kings of Kashmir, pp. 410-412. 

Size. — 8vo. pp. 412, of 15 lines each. 

Major Scott has made great use of this work in his ** History 
the Dakhin," but so brief a work is of little use. The author 
quotes no authorities in his pre&ce except Firishta, but he 



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170 BAr BHARA MAL. 

mentions also in the body of the work the Akbar-ndma and 
Jahdngir-ndma as being so common as to render it unnecessary 
for him to enlarge on the periods of which they treat. 

The exact year in which the work was composed is somewhat 
doubtful. It is not quite clear from the pre&ce whether the 
date should be rendered 1100 or 1101 a.h. A chronogram given 
by an early transcriber makes it 1106 ; and if the title of the 
work be intended to form a chronogram, which is nowhere stated 
by the author, the date would be 1108 a.h. (1696 a.d.). 

The Lubbiht Tawdrikh-i Hind is very common in India. One 
of the best copies I have seen is in the possession of Naw&b 
Hasan 'All Kh&n of Jhajjar, written in 1148 a.h. In Europe 
also it is not uncommon. There is a copy of it in the British 
Museum (No. 5618). There is also an illegible copy at Paris 
(Gen til, No. 44), under the incorrect title o{ Muntakhabu-t Tdrikh, 

[The translations of the following Extracts were revised by 
Sir H. M. Elliot.] 

EXTRACTS. 

SMA Jahdn abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration. 

It had long been customary with the subjects of this state to 
prostrate themselves before the King in grateful return for any 
royal favours conferred on them, and on the receipt of royal 
mandates. This just King (Sh&h Jah&n), on his accession to the 
throne, commanded that the practice should be abolished, and, at 
the representation of Mah&bat Kh&n (Kh&n-kh&n&n), he estab- 
lished instead the practice of kissing the ground. This also 
being afterwards found equally objectionable, the King, actuated 
by his devotion and piety, ordered that it likewise should be 
discontinued ; and that the usual mode of salutation by bowing 
and touching the head should be restored, with this difference, 
that, instead of doing so only once, as before, the act should be 
performed three several times. Circular orders, enforcing the 
observance of this practice, were issued to all the Governors 
within the royal dominions. 



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LUBBU-T TAWARIKH-I HIND. 171 

Prosperity of the Country during Shdh Jahdn's Reign. 

The means employed by the £ing in these happy times to 
protect and nourish his people ; to punish all kinds of oppressive 
evil-doers ; his knowledge on all subjects 4;ending to the wel&re 
of his people; his impressing the same necessity upon the 
revenue iiinctionaries, and the appointment of honest and intelli- 
gent officers in every district ; his administration of the country, 
and calling for and examining annual statements of revenue, in 
order to ascertain what were the resources of the empire; his 
showing his royal affection to the people, and expressing his 
displeasure when necessary ; his issuing stringent orders to the 
officers appointed to the charge of the crown and assigned lands, 
to promote the increase and welfare of the tenants ; his admon- 
ishing the disobedient, and constantly directing his generous 
attention towards the improvement of agriculture and the collec- 
tion of the revenues of the state ; — all these contributed in a 
great measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. The 
parganay the income of which was three Iocs of rupees in the 
reign of Akbar (whose seat is in the highest heaven I), yielded, in 
this happy reign, a revenue of ten lacs ! The collections made in 
some districts, however, fell short of this proportionate increase. 
The chakladdrs who, by careiiilly cultivating their lands, aided 
in increasing the revenue, received marked consideration, and 
vice versd. 

Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the expenses of 
the State during this reign, gratuities 'for the erection of public 
edifices and other works in progress, and for the paid military 
service and establishments, such as those maintained in Balkh, 
Badakhsh&n, and £andah&r, amounted, at one disbursement only, 
to fourteen krors of rupees, and the advances made on account of 
edifices only were two krors and fifty lac9 of rupees. From this 
single instance of expenditure, an idea may be formed as to what 
the charges must have been under others. Besides, in times of 
war, large sums were expended, in addition to fixed salaries and 



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172 Kil^r BWCRA HAL. 

ordinary outlay. In short, the expenditure of former reigns, in 
comparison with that of the one in question, was not even in the 
proportion of one to four; and yet this King, in a short space of 
time, amassed a treasure which it would have taken several 
years for his predecessors to accumulate ! 



Shdh Jaharii Justice. 

Notwithstanding the great area of this country, plaints were 
so few that only one day in the week, viz. Wednesday, was fixed 
upon for the administration of justice ; and it was rarely even 
then that twenty pl^tiffs could be found to prefer suits, the 
number generally being much less. The writer of this historical 
sketch on more than one occasion, when honoured with an 
audience of the King, heard His Majesty chide the ddrogha 
of the Court that although so many confidential persons had 
been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day of the week 
was set apart exchisively with the view of dispensing justice, 
yet even the small number of twenty plaintiffs could but very 
seldom be brought into Court. The ddrogha replied that if 
he failed to produce only one plaintiff, he would .be worthy of 
punishment. 

In short, it was owing to the great solicitude evinced by the 
King towards the promotion of the national weal and the general 
tranquillity, that the people were restrained from committing 
offences against one another and breaking the public peace. But 
if offenders were discovered, the local authorities used generally 
to try them on the spot where the offence had been committed 
according to law, and in concurrence with the law officers : and if 
any individual, dissatisfied with the decision passed on his case, 
appealed to the Governor or difcdn^ or to the kdzi of the siiba^ 
the matter was reviewed, and judgment awarded with great care 
and discrimination, lest it should be mentioned in the presence of 
the King that justice had not been done. If parties*were not 



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LUBBU-T TAWABIKH-I HIND. 173 

satisfied even with these decisions, they appealed to the chief 
diwdn^ or to the chief kdzi on matters of law. These officers 
institated further inquiries. With all this care, what cases, 
except those relating to blood and religion, could become subjects 
of reference to His Majesty P 



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174 



T.TTT T 
'XLAMGrR-NAMA 

OF 

MUHAMMAD Ki5^ZIM. 

This work was written 1688 a.d. by Mirza Muhammad Kdzim, 
son of Muhammad Arain Munshi, the author of the Padshah- 
ndma, previously noticed as No. LXI. It contains a history of the 
first ten years of the reign of 'Alamgir Aurangzeb. It was dedi- 
cated to Aurangzeb in the thirty-second year of his reign ; but on 
its being presented, the Emperor forbad its continuation, and, like 
another Alexander, edicto vetuit ne quia se pingeret^ but not for 
the same reason. The Mughal Emperor professed as the cause 
of his prohibition that the cultivation of inward piety was 
preferable to the ostentatious display of his achievements. 
Elphinstone observes of this strange prohibition that the 
Emperor not only discontinued the regular annals of the 
empire, which had before been kept by a regular historio- 
grapher, but so e£fectaally put a stop to all records of his trans- 
actions, that from the eleventh year of his reign the course of 
events can only be traced through the means of letters on 
business and of notes taken clandestinely by private individuals.^ 
This prohibition is the more extraordinary from its incon- 
sistency with orders previously issued for the preparation of 
the H'lamgir-ndma. The Preface of that work shows not only 
the encouragement which the author received in the prosecu- 
tion of his work, but also the little reliance that can be reposed 
in the narrative when any subject is mentioned likely to affect 

^ [See more upon this point in the article on the Muntakhabu-l Lubdb of Kh&fl 
Eh&n, post, No. LXXIX.] 



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'ALAMGnUNAMA. 175 

the personal character of the monarch. It is much the same 
with nearly all the histories written by contemporaries, which 
are filled with the most nauseous panegyrics, and 

With titles blown from adulation. 

The historian was to submit his pages to the interested 
scrutiny of the Emperor himself, and to be guided in doubtful 
questions by information graciously given by the monarch re- 
specting what account was to be rejected or admitted. As the 
royal listener was not likely to criminate himself we must bear 
perpetually in mind that such histories are mere one-sided 
accounts, and not to be received with implicit reliance. 

After an encomium of the powers of eloquence, the author 
says that it was solely owing to the reputed charms of his style 
that he was introduced to the great monarch 'Xlamgir, and, 
after a long obscurity, was suddenly raised from insignificance 
to the high situation of His Majesty's munshi in the year of 
the coronation. His style being approve^ by the King, he was 
ordered to collect information about all the extraordinary events 
in which the £ing had been concerned, and accounts of the 
bright conquests which he had efiected, into a book; and ac- 
cordingly an order was given to the officers in charge of the 
Royal Records to make over to the author all such papers as 
were received from the news-writers and other high functionaries 
of the different countries concerning the great events, the monthly 
and yearly registers of all kinds of accidents and marvels, and 
the descriptions of the different aiibas and countries. 

The author was further instructed, that if there were any such 
particulars as were omitted in any of the above papers, or not 
witnessed by himself, he should make inquiries regarding them 
from such trustworthy officers as followed the royal camp, who 
would relate the exact circumstances ; and if there were anything 
which particularly required the explanation of His Majesty, the 
author was graciously permitted the liberty of making inquiry 
firom the King himself. 



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176 MUHAMMAD EAZIM. 

He was also ordered to attend on His Majesty on proper 
occasions, to read orer whatever he had collected, and bad 
written from the above authorities, and to have His Majest/s 
corrections incorporated. It is to be regretted that Aurangzeb 
did not here again imitate the example of Alexander, of whom 
Lucian gives an anecdote which shows that conqueror to have 
been less compliant with his flattering historians. ^^ Aristobulus, 
after he had written an account of the single combat between 
Alexander and Poms, showed that monarch a particular part of 
it, wherein, the better to get into his good graces, he had inserted 
a great deal more than was true: when Alexander seized the 
book and threw it (for they happened at that time to be sailing 
on the Hydaspes) directly into the river : ^ Thus,' said he, ^ ought 
you to have been served yourself, for pretending to describe my 
battles, and killing half a dozen elephants for me with a spear." " 

The value of the Boyal Records may be known from the narra- 
tive of an English traveller who visited the Court in a.d. 1609. 
Captain Hawkins says, ^^ During the time that he drinks his six 
cups of strong liquor, he says and does many idle things ; yet 
whatever he says or does^ whether drunk or sober, there are 
writers who attend him in rotation, who set many things down 
in writing ; so that not a single incident of his life but is re- 
corded, even his going to the necessary and when he lies with 
his wives. The purpose of all this is that when he dies all his 
actions and speeches worthy of being recorded may be inserted 
in the chronicles of his reign.^ 

^^As the history regarding His Majesty's birth and minority 
up to the time of his ascending the throne has already," says 
our author, " been fiilly detailed in the book called Badahdh- 
ndmOy it was at first resolved that this book should begin with 
the accounts of His Majesty's return firom the Dakhin towards 
his capital (which took place in 1068 a.h., 1657 a.d.), and it will 
contain an account of the undertakings and conquests achieved 
by His Majesty during the period of eighteen years. But the 
author subsequently thought of writing, in an Introduction, a 



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'XLAMOrB-NAMA. 177 

brief accoant of the King'*s minarity,. because it was replete 
with wonderfal events, and because many conquests were effected 
during that period. It accordingly commences with D&rfi 
Shukoh's assumption of authority upon the ilkiess of his father 
Sh£h Jah&n, and the means employed by Aurangzeb to cut 
off his brothers and obtain the Imperial Crown. 

[The style in which this work is written is quite in accord 
with the courtly panegyrical character of the book. It is 
strained, verbose, and tedious ;, fulsome in its flattery, abusive 
in its censure. Laudatory epithets are heaped one upon another 
in praise of Aurangzeb ; while his unfortunate brothers are not 
only sneered at and abused, but their very names are perverted. 
D&r& Shukoh is repeatedly called Be-Shukohy *Hhe undignified;'' 
and Shuj&^ is called Nd-%hujd\ '' the xmvaliant." The work seems 
to have obtained no great reputation in India. ^* Subsequent 
authors/'* says Colonel Lees ^^ do not express any very decided 
opinion upon the qualifications of Muhammad K&zim as an his- 
torian. The author of the Mir-dtu-l ji'lam^ however, speaks of 
him as an author of great erudition ; the author of the Ma-dsiru^l 
^Alamgiri has made an abridgment of his work the first portion 
of his history ; and Eh&fi Elh&n, the author of the Muntakhabu-l 
Luhdby has made the IdHamgir-ndma a chief authority," though 
he occasionally controverts its statements. It is well that the 
book has been so well worked up by later writers, for a close 
translation of it into English would be quite unreadable. A 
few passages have been translated by the Editor, but in them it 
has been necessary to prune away a good deal of the author's 
exuberance of language and metaphor.] 

The history of the conquest of Assam has been translated 
from this work by Mr. Vansittart, in the " Asiatic Miscellany," 
vol. i., and in " Asiatic Researches," vol. ii. [The whole of the 
original work has been printed in the ^' Bibliotheca Indicai" and 
occupies more than 1100 pages.] 



TOL. TU. 12 

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178 MUHAMMAD EAZIM. 

EXTRACTS. 

lUness of Shdh Jahdn. 

[On the 8th Zi-1 hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), the 
Emperor Sh&h Jah&n was seized with illness at Dehli. His 
illness lasted for a long time, and every day he grew weaker, 
so that he was unable to attend to the business of the State. 
Irregularities of all sorts occurred in the administration, and 
great disturbances arose in the wide territories of Hindust&n. 
The unworthy and frivolous D&r& Shukoh considered himself 
heir-apparent, and notwithstanding his want of ability for the 
kingly office, he endeavoured with the scissors of greediness 
to cut the robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited 
for his unworthy person.^ With this over-weening ambition 
constantly in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, 
he never left the seat of government. When the Emperor 
fell ill and was unable to attend to business, D&r& Shukoh 
took the opportunity of seizing the reins of power, and 
interfered with everything. He closed the roads against the 
spread of news, and seized letters addressed to individuals. He 
forbade the officers of government to write or send any intelli- 
gence to the provinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their 
having done so, he seized and imprisoned them. The royal 
princes, the great nobles, and all the men who were scattered 
through the provinces and territories of this great empire, many 
even of the officials and servants who were employed at the 
capital, had no expectation that the Emperor would live much 
longer. So great disorders arose in the affairs of the State. 
Disaffected and rebellious men luised their heads in mutiny 
and strife on every side. Turbulent raiyats refused to pay their 
revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all directions, and 
by degrees the evil reached to such a height that in Gujar&t 
Mur&d Bakhsh took his seat upon the throne, had the khutba 
read and coins struck in his name, and assumed the title of 

^ [Passages like thin frequently oocur, but after this they have been tamed into 
plain language in the translation.] 



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'ALAMGra-NAMA. 179 

Xing. Shujd* took the same course in Bengal, led an army 
against Patna, and from thence advanced to Benares.] 

Heresy of Ddrd Skukoh. 
[D&r& Shakoh in his later days did not restram himself to the 
free-thinking and heretical notions which he had adopted under 
the name of tmawvcuf (Sufiism), but showed an inclination for 
the religion and institutions of the Hindtis. He was constantly 
in the society of Brdhmans^ Jogis and Sannydsis^ and he used to 
regard these worthless teachers of delusions as learned and true 
masters of wisdom. He considered their books which they call 
Bed as being the Word of God, and revealed from heaven, and he 
ealled them ancient and excellent books. He was under such 
delusion about* this Bed^ that he collected Brahmana and 
Sannydsi» from all parts of the country, and paying them 
great respect and attention, he employed them in translating 
the Bed. He spent all his time in this unholy work, and 
devoted all his attention to the contents of these wretched 
books. Instead of the sacred name of God, he adopted the 
Hindu name Prahhu (lord), which the Hindus consider holy, 
and he had this name engraved in Hindi letters upon rings 
of diamond, ruby, emerald, etc. * * Through these perverted 
opinions he had given up the prayers, fasting and other obliga- 
tions imposed by the law. * * It became manifest that if D&r& 
Shukoh obtained the throne and established his power, the 
foundations of the faith would be in danger and the precepts of 
Islam would be changed for the rant of infidelity and Judaism.] 

Mir Jumla Mviazzam Khdn, 
[After the conquest of Zafar&b&d and Kaly&n, and the return 
of Aurangzeb from Bijdpur, where he had failed in obtaining full 
success, through the opposition and malevolence of D&r& Shukoh, 
he left '^UmdatU'8 Saltattatu-l Kdhira Mu'^azzam Kh6n, with a 
part of the Imperial army, in the vicinity of Bij&pur, to realize 
a sum of a hundred ktcs of rupees as tribute from '^dil £h&n, by 



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180 MUHAMMAD KAZIM. 

the promise of which the retreat of Aarangzeb had been obtained. 
The intrigues of D&r& Shnkoh, who did his best to defeat this 
arrangement, and the mischievous disturbing letters which he 
sent to 'Adil Eh&n and his nobles, brought this desirable settle- 
ment to nought. His Majesty Sh&h Jah&n, who at that time 
took no very active part in the a&irs of government, was 
influenced by the urgent representations of that weak-minded 
(Dar& Shukoh), and summoned Mu'*azzam Kh&n to court. In 
obedience to this order, the Kh&n marched with the force under 
his command to Aurang&b&d, intending to proceed from thence to 
the capital. This movement at such a time seemed injurious to 
the State, and encouraging to the turbulence of the Dakhinis. 
Mu'azzam Kh&n had no sinister object in proceeding to the 
capital ; but Aurangzeb, as a matter of prudence and of State 
policy, made him prisoner and detained him in the Dakhin. 
When D&r& Shukoh obtained information of this arrest, his 
malignity and jealousy led him to persuade the Emperor that it 
was aU a trick and conspiracy between the £h&n and Aurangzeb. 
By this he so worked upon the feelings and fears of the Emperor 
that he roused his suspicions against Muhammad Amin Kh&n, 
son of Mu^azzam £h&n, who then held the oj£ce of Mir Bakhahi 
at Court, and obtained permission to secure his person. Ac- 
cordingly D&r& Shukoh summoned Muhammad Amfn to his 
house and made him prisoner. After he had been in confinement 
three or four days, intelligence of the true state of the case and 
of the innocence of Muhammad Amin reached the Emperor, and 
he, being satisfied of the &cts, released Muhammad Amin from 
durance.] 

lUnesB of the Emperor Aurangzeb. 

[On the night of the 12th Bajab (in the eighth year of his 
reign), the Emperor was suddenly attacked with strangury, and 
suffered great pain until the following morning. * * The skill 
and attention of his physicians had their effect, * * and in a few 
days he recovered.] 



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181 



LXXIII. 

MA-ASIR-I 'JCLMiGtRt 

or 

MUHAMMAD S^Kf MUSTA'IDD KHXN. 

This is a history of the reign of ^j^lamgir (Aurangzeb). The 
first ten years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the 
''Alamgir-ndma ; the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in 
A.D. 1707 is an original composition. It was written by Muhammad 
S4ki Musta'idd Kh&n, munshi to 'In&yatu*lla Kh&n, wazir of 
Bah&dur Sh&h. He had been a constant follower of the Court 
for forty years^ and an eye-witness of many of the transactions 
he records. He undertook the work by desire of his patron, and 
finished it in a.d. 1710, only three years after the death of 
Aurangzeb. [Kh&fi Kh&n, in his Muntakhabu'l Lubdb^ informs 
us that *'*' after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb's reign) 
authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and 
righteous Emperor'^s reign ; nevertheless some competent persons 
(did so), and particularly Musta'idd Kh&n, who secretly wrote 
an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply 
detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding 
at all to the misfortunes of the campaign." ^] 
■ The Mordsir't 'Alamgin contains two Books and a short 
Appendix. 

Book I. — An abridgment of Mina Muhammad K&zim'*s 
history of the first ten years of the Emperor's reign and the 
events preceding his accession. 

Book II. — The events of the last forty years of the Emperor's 
reign, with an account of his death. 

> [Col. Lees, Jonrn. R.A.S., ir.e. toI. ill. p. 473.] 



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182 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN. 

Appendix. — Several anecdotes of the Emperor^ which could 
not be included in the history; and a minute account of the 
Eoyal family. 

The history is written in the form of annals, each year being 
distinctly marked off. 

Stewart, in his " Descriptive Catalogue,"*^ observes of the writer 
of this work, that '^ although his style be too concise, I have never 
met in any other author with the relation of an event of this 
reign which is not recorded in this history.*" 

It is differently spoken of by the author of the " Critical 
Essay,'' who shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in 
Indian critics. The omissions he complains of will not appear of 
much importance to a European reader. 

'^Muhammad S&ki Musta'^idd £h&n, who composed the 
chronicle named Ma-dsir-i *A'lamgiri, has not by any means 
rendered his work complete ; lor he has omitted to record several 
matters of considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned 
the dignities and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and 
their successive appointments to different situations, such as 
might best qualify them for managing the affairs of government. 
Some he has noticed, but he has omitted others. Neither has he 
informed us in what year the illustrious Sh&h ^j^lam Bahadur 
Shah (now gone to the abode of felicity) and Muhammad '^zam 
Sh&h were invested with the high rank of Chihal-hnzari (40,000) ; 
and of many other circumstances relating to these two princes, 
some are mentioned, and many have been altogether unnoticed. 
In the same manner also he has treated of other Boyal princes. 

*' Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from 
different offices or appointments and dignities^ some are men- 
tioned, but several are omitted ; thus he has neglected to notice 
the dates and various circumstances of the appointment of Ha/i- 
hazari (7000) of Gh&zi'u-d din Kh&n Bah&dur Firoz Jang, and 
the Shash'hazari (6000) of Zulfik&r Kh&n Bah&dur Nusrat 
Jang, two distinguished generals. 

'' On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very 



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MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGrar. 183 

trifling occurrences little worthy of being recorded jn history, 
and by no means interesting, such as particulars concerning 
chapels or places of prayer, the merits of different preachers and 
similar topics, which had been subjects of discussion among his 
intimate companions. On this account his work is not held in 
high estimation among those learned men who know how to 
appreciate historical compositions.*^ 

[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it 
cannot be accepted. Muhammad S&ki has a style of his own 
which is not difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance. 
The early part of the work is little better than a Court Circular 
or London Gkizette, being occupied almost exclusively with the 
private matters of the royal family, and the promotions, appoint- 
ments, and removals of the officers of government. Farther on 
he enters more fully into matters of historical record, and gives 
details of Aurangzeb's campaign in the Dakhin, and his many 
sieges of forts.] 

The work was edited and translated into English by Henry 
Yansittart in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The 
complete text has been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills 
541 pages. A translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad 
Saki's own portion of the work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by 
^^ Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.,'^ and from that translation the 
following Extracts have been taken.] 

EXTRACTS. 

Earthqtiake. 

[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zi-1 hijja, 1078 a.h. (3rd May, 
1668), the intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of 
Sam&ji Ij^ad been destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand 
houses were thrown down. 

Prohibition of Hindu Teaching and Worship. 

[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zi-1 ka'da, 1079 (18th April, 
1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the 



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184 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN. 

faith, that in the provineeB of Thatta, Mult&n, and Benares, bat 
especially in the latter, foolish Br&hmans were in the habit of 
expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students 
and learners, Musulmdns as well as Hindds, went there, even 
from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with 
the wicked sciences they taught. The '' Director of the Faith " 
consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to 
destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the 
infidels ; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to 
the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On 
the 15th Babi'u-1 &khir it was reported to his religious Majesty, 
leader of the unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Govern- 
ment officers had destroyed the temple of ^ishn&th at Benares. 

[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Bamazan, 1080 a.h. (December, 
1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving 
monarch, tlie constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruc- 
tion of the Hindu temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by 
the name of Dehra K^su B&i, and soon that stronghold of 
falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot 
was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque. 
The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar 
Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jah&ngfr, 
before he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various 
reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, and the 
above-mentioned Hindu, in order to compass the Shaikh's 
death, affected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for 
his services, he obtained from the Prince become King per- 
mission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were 
expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us the 
feith of IsUm, that, in this reign of the destroyer of fake gods, 
an undertaking so difficult of accomplishment ^ has been brought 
to a successful termination ! This vigorous support given to the 
true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the B&jas, and, 
like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The 
^ Alluding to the destruction of the HindA temple. 



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MA.ASIR.I 'ALAMGrBr. 185 

richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were trans* 
ferred to ^gra, and there placed beneath the steps leading 
to the Naw&b Begam S&hiVs mosque, in order that they might 
ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra 
changed its name into Isl&m&b&d, and was thus called in all 
official documents, as well as by the people. 

[Text, p. 100.] In Shaww&I information reached the King 
that Sh6h-z&da Muhammad Mu'azzam, under the influence of his 
passions, and misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had, 
notwithstanding his excellent understanding, become imbued 
with a spirit of insubordination. Prompted by his natural 
benevolence, His Majesty wrote several letters replete with 
advice to the Prince, but this alone did not satisfy him— the 
Naw&b B&i, the Prince's mother, was sent for to go to her son, 
and lead him back into the right path if any symptom of 
rebellion should appear in him. Iftikh&r Kh&n Eh6n-z&m&n, a 
wise and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince, 
charged with much beneficial advice. He soon reached his 
destination, and delivered himself of the King's messages. 
Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was a fountain of candour ; there 
was moreover no truth in the report ; so his only answer was to 
bow his head in submission. He wrote to his father letters 
expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling to ever transgress 
the obedience due to his King and to his God, he insured him- 
self happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger and 
prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son. 

Fifteenth Tear of the Reign. 
Outbreak of the Satndmis^also called Mondihs} 

[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody, 
miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and 
other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions, 

^ [Kh&fl Eh&n shortens the first vowel and calls them Mundih9—w& post.] 

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186 SAKI MTJSTA'IDD KHAN. 

should become so puffed up vrith vain-glory as to cast themselves 
headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came 
to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mew&t, 
collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or 
locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that these people 
considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward 
promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of 
about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of N&maul, and 
were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered. 
T&hir Ehan Faujd&r, considering himself not strong enough to 
oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to 
exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zi-1 
kaMa, an order was issued that Ba'd-and&z Kh&n should proceed 
with his artillery, H&mid Eh&n with the guards and 500 of the 
horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtaz& Eh&n, his father, and 
Yahy& Eh&n Bumi, Najib Kh&n, Bumi Eh&n, Kam&lu-d din, 
son of Diler Kh&n, Purdil, son of Firoz Eh&D. Mew&ti, and 
Isfandy&r, bakhshi to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own 
troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal 
forces marched to the encounter ; the insurgents showed a bold 
front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of 
war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with 
all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in 
history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Mahd- 
bhdraty on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that 
trying day. The heroes of Isl&m charged with impetuosity, and 
crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men. 
The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ba'd-and&z 
Khan, Hdmid Eh&n, and Yabyd Ehan. Many of the Moslims 
were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but 
were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with 
their lives ; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal • 
commanders — and those regions were cleansed of the presence of 
the foul unbelievers. The triumphant ghdsis^ permitted to kiss 
the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their Eing. 



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MA-ASIE-I 'ALAMGrRI. 187 

The title of Shuj&'at Eh&n was conferred on Ba'd-and&z, with the 
rank of 3000 and 2000 horse. 

[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Rabi'u-1 4khir, 1089 A.H., a 
report' from Shafi'a Kh&n, diwdn of Bengal, made known that 
the Amiru-l umard had appropriated one krar and thirtj-two 
lacs of rupees above his yearly salary. A claim against the 
amir was accordingly ordered to be entered. 



Twbntt-Sbcond Tear of the Reign, 1090 a.h. (1679 a.d.). 

[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Rabi'u-l &khir, Kh4n-Jah4n 
Bahidur arrived from Jodhpur, bringing with him several cart- 
loads of idols, taken from the Hindu temples that had been 
razed. His Majesty gave him great praise. Most of these idols 
were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver, 
brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some of them 
should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder placed 
beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled 
under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a 
vestige of them was left. » - 

[Text, p. 176.] B&ja Jaswant Stngh had died at E&bul 
without male issue ; but, after his decease, several faithful adher- 
ents — Song, Bagun&th D&s Bh&ti, Banjhur, Durga D&s, and 
some others — sent information to the King of two of the wives 
of the late JRq/a being with child. These ladies, after their 
arrival at Lahore, gave each of them birth to a son. This news 
was communicated to the King, with a request that the children 
should be permitted to succeed to their fathers rank and posses- 
sions. His Majesty replied that the children should be sent to 
him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and wealth 
should be given to them. 

[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zi-1 hijja, 1090 a.h. (6th 
January, 1680), Prince Muhammad '^zam and Eh&n-Jah&n 
Bah&dur obtained permission to visit l/dipur. Ruhu-Uah 



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188 BXKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN. 

Kh&n and Y^kkai&z Eh£n also proceeded thither to effect the 
destruction of the temples of the idolators. These edifices, 
situated in the vicinity of the B&n&^s palace, were among the 
wonders of the age, and had been erected by the infidels* to the 
ruin of their souls and the loss of theiv wealth. It was here that 
some twenty H&ch&tor B&jputs had resolved to die for their 
faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving 
his death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had 
fallen, many of the faithful also being despatched before the last 
of these fanatics had gone to hell. The temple was now clear, 
and the pioneers destroyed the images. 

[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1091 a.h. (24th 
January, 1680), the King visited the tank of I/dis^gar, con- 
structed by the B&n&. His Majesty ordered all three of the 
Hindd temples to be levelled with the ground. News was this 
day received that Hasan ^Ali Kh&n had emerged from the pass 
and attacked the B4n4 on the 29th of Zi-1 hijja. The enemy 
had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage. The 
enormous quantity of grain captured in this affair had created 
abundance amongst the troops. 

On the 7th Muharram Hasan 'AH Kh4n made his appearance 
with twenty camels taken from the B&nd, and stated that the 
temple situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two 
more in the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This 
chiefbain was, for his distinguished services, invested with the 
title of Bah&dur. 

His Majesty proceeded to Ghitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples 
to the number of sixty-three were here demolished. 

Ab6 Turab, who had been commissioned to effect the destruction 
of the idol-temples of Amber, reported in person on the 24th 
Bajab, that threescore and six of these edifices had been 
levelled with the ground. 



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MA-ASIEJ 'ALAMGIBr. 189 

TlVENTY-FoURTH TeAR OF THE BeIGN, 1091-2 A.H. 

(1680-81 A.D.). 

[Text, p. 207.] The Ban& had now been driven forth from his 
country and his home. The victorious ffhd&is had struck many a 
blow, and the heroes of Isl&m had trampled under their chargers^ 
hoofs the land which this reptile of the jungles and his prede- 
cessors had possessed for a thousand years. He had been forced 
to fly to the very limit of his territories. Unable to resist any 
longer, he saw no safety for himself but in seeking pardon. Ac- 
cordingly he threw himself on the mercy of Prince Muhammad 
'Azam, and implored his intercession with the King, offering the 
parganas of M&ndil, Piir, and Badhanor in lieu of the jizya. 
By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of his 
country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for 
the B&n&'s forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and 
this merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable 
ear to these propositions. An interview took place at the R£j 
Sambar tank on the 17th of Jum&da-l &khir, between the Prince 
and the R&n&y to whom Diler Khin and Hasan 'Ali Eh&n had 
been deputed. The B&n& made an offering of 500 ashrafis and 
eighteen horses with caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage 
to the Prince, who desired him to sit on his left. He received 
in return a khiFat^ a sabre, dagger, charger and elephant. His 
title of B&n& was acknowledged, and the rank of commander 
of 5000 conferred on him. 

Twenty-Seventh Tear op the Bbign, 1094-6 a.h. 
(1683-4 A.D.). 

Cavea of EUora. 

[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Sh4h Malik Jdnd, son of 
Tughlik, selected the fort of Deogir as a central point whereat 
to establish the seat of government, and gave it the name of 
Daulat&b&d. He removed the inhabitants of Dehli thither with 



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190 SAKI MUSTAaDD KHAN. 

their wives and children, and many great and good men removed 
thither and were buried there. EUora is only a short distance 
from this place. At some very remote period a race of men, as 
if by magic, excavated caves {nakkdb) high up among the defiles 
of the mountains. These rooms (khdna) extended over a breadth 
of one ko8. Carvings of various designs and of correct execution 
adorned all the walls and ceilings ; but the outside of the moun- 
tain is perfectly level, and there is no sign of any dwelling 
(khdna). From the long period of time these pagans remained 
masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although 
historians differ, that to them is to be attributed the construc- 
tion of these places. 

Thibtibth Year of the Bsign, 1097-8 a.h. (1686-7 a.d.). 

Imprisonment of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. 

[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu'azzam, although a prince of 
great intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious coun- 
sellors into opposition to his^ fother's wishes, and this conduct 
became the source of much suffering to himself and displeasure to 
the ruler of the State. For a long time His Majesty, loth that 
such conduct should become known, closed his eyes to the 
Prince's proceedings. During the siege of Bij&pur some persons 
were caught carrying secret messages to Sikandar ('Adil Shah) ; 
these men were put to death. Some officers also, suspected of 
evil intentions, Mumin Kh&n^ commandant of artillery, 'Aziz 
Afgh&n, Multif&t Kh&n, second bakhshi^ and the cunning fiin- 
dr&ban, were expelled from the army on the 18th of Shaww&l. 
The Prince's destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight quite 
forsook him. During the investment of Haidar&b&d he allowed 
himself to be deluded by some promise of Abu-1 Hasan, and at 
last sundry written communications, which passed between the 
trenches and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Firoz 
Jang. Other proofs were also available of the Prince's treachery. 
The Kh&n, that very night, laid these documents before the 



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MA.ASIR-I 'ALAMGrBr. 191 

Xing, who was now well convinced of the Prince's wilfulness, 
whatever donbts he might have entertained before. Hay&t 
Kh&n, ddrogha of the Prince's dhcdn-khdna, was sent for and 
ordered to direct his master to send his troops to oppose Shaikh 
Nizdm Haidar&b&di, who was about to make a night attack on 
the camp. Ihtim&m Kh&n, it was said, would guard the Prince's 
tents during the absence of his own people. This order was 
obeyed. 

The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu'izzu-d 
din, and Muhammad 'Azim,^ attended the darbar. His Majesty, 
after taking his seat, told them that Asad Eh&n and Bahramand 
Kh&n had something to communicate to them in the chapel. No 
sooner had the Princes entered this place than their arms were 
taken from them. As soon as a tent could be pitched, thej were 
removed into it. His Majesty withdrew to the seraglio by the 
private entrance, and there, wringing his hands, and with 
many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the labour of forty 
years had fallen to the ground ! 

Guards were placed round the tent, under the orders of 
Ihtim&m Kh&n. Mutasaddia seized all the Princess property, 
which, however, was but as a drop of water in the ocean. 
Ihtim&m was invested with the title of Sard&r Kh&n, and raised 
from the command of 1000 to that of 1500. 

Thiety-pipth Tear of the Reign, 1102-3 a.h. (1691-2 a.d.). 

Release of Muhammad Miiazzam from Corifinement. 

[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when 
first confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads. 
This treatment lasted six months. Ehidmat Kh&n, Ndzir^ em- 
boldened by his long service under this King and under his &ther, 
remonstrated most vehemently against this severity (no other 
dared to speak in the Prince's favour), and His Majesty relented. 
As time wore on, the King's wrath grew less, his paternal feel- 
1 [More commonly called Muliammad 'Azam.] 



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192 si^Kr iinsTA'iDD khjcv. 

ings resumed their sway, and he daily sent his blessing by 
Sard&r Khan to this second Joseph, imprisoned like Jonas, 
desiring him to be satisfied with this much until the Father of 
all Mercies, moved his heart to put an end to his sufferings. 
Strange to relate, Sard&r KH&n one day told the King that His 
Majesty could order the Prince's release when he thought fit so 
to do. '' True," replied the King, '* but Providence has made me 
ruler of the habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me 
against his oppressor, and expects redress. This son of mine 
has endured some hardships at my hands, in expiation of certain 
worldly offences, but the hour has not yet come for me to release 
him ; his only hope is in God. Let him therefore be hopeful, 
so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor appeal against me to 
God, for should he do so, what reiuge would be left to me P " 

Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu''azzam should adorn 
the throne*; wherefore the King, that personification of all 
virtues, resolved to draw the Prince from the state in which he 
had been kept, and let his light shine on the peofde. That his 
mind might not bow down under the weight of grief, the rigours 
of confinement were gradually made less. On one occasion, 
when the King marched firom Badri, all the tents were ordered 
to be left standing for the Prince's recreation. He was permitted 
to wander from one to the other, enjoying the luxuries each 
different place afforded, and refreshing body and mind. The 
Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he 
longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places 
could not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the 
Prince's mother having died in the capital was received, His 
Majesty caused a tent of communication to be pitched between 
the diwdn-i khds and the Prince's tent, where the monarch 
repaired in person with the virtuous Princess Zinatu-n Nis& 
Begam, and offered the usual consolations. 

Some time after this, on the 4th of Zi-1 kaMa, Mu''azzam 
had the honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired 
him to perform his mid-day prayers in his presence. When BAs 



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MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGrar. 193 

Majesty went to the mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray 
in the private chapel. Permission was also granted him to visit 
occasionally the baths in the fort; at other times he might 
wander among the parterres and tanks of the Sh&h&b&d gardens. 
Thus by degrees was broken the barrier between &ther and son. 
Khw&ja Daulat received orders to fetch the Prince's &mily from 
the capital.^ 

FiFTY-FiRCT Tear of thb Beion. 

Death of Aurangzeh, 

' [Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which 
rescued the countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the 
pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of 
Shaww&l, in the 50th year of the reign. A year after this, at 
the end of Shaww&l, in the 51st year of the reign, the King fell 
ill, and consternation spread among people of all ranks; but, by 
the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered his health 
in a short time, and once more resumed the administration of 
affairs. About this time the noble Sh&h f^lam) was appointed 
governor of the province of M&lw&, and Prince E&m Bakhsh 
governor of that of Bij&ptir. Only four or five days had elapsed 
after the departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was 
seized with a burning fever^ which continued unabated for three 
days. Still ELis Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every 
ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the evening of 
Thursday, His Majesty perused a petition from H&midu-d din 
Kh&n, who stated that he had devoted the sum of 4000 rupees, 
the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice, and begged to 
be permitted to make over this amount to the K&zi MulU 
Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and, 
though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the 

1 [From subsequent passages it appears that the Prince was reinstated in his seat 
on the Emperor's right hand in the thirty-ninth year, and was presented to the 
goTemment of Kab61 in the forty-seoond year.] 

▼OL. VII. 18 

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194 S^Kr MUSTA'IDD KHAN. 

petition that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should 
lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal frame. 

On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zi-1 ka'da (1118 a.h. 
2lBt February, 1707 a*d.), His Majesty performed the con- 
secrated prayers, and, at their conclusion, returned to the 
sleeping apartments, where he remained absorbed in contem- 
plation of the Deity. Faintness came on, and the soul of the 
aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity. Still, in 
this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of 
the dying King continued mechanically to tell the beads of the 
rosary they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed 
his last, and thus was fiilfilled his wish to die on a Friday: 
Great was the grief among all classes of people for the King s 
death. The shafts of adversity had demolished the edifice of 
their hopes, and the night of sorrow darkened the joyful noon- 
day. Holy men prepared to perform the funeral rites, and kept 
the corpse in the sleeping apartment pending the arrival of 
Prince Muhammad A'zam, who was away a distance of five-and- 
twenty kaa from the camp. The Prince arrived the following 
day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was depicted 
on his countenance ; never had anything like it been beheld. 
On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall 
of justice, whence the procession went on without him. May 
none ever experience the anguish he felt I People sympathized 
with the Princess sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and 
so deeply-felt were the lamentations for a monarch whose genius 
only equalled his piety, whose equal the world did not contain, 
but whose luminous countenance was now hidden from his loving 
people! 

According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains 
were deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near 
the shrine of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d din (on whom God have 
mercy I). *^ Earth was consigned to earth, but the pure soul sur- 
vived." This place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuld&bid, 
is distant eight kos from Khujista-buny&d (Aurang&b&d)^ and 



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MA-ASIB-I 'ALAMGIRr. 195 

three ko8 from Daalat&bfid. A red stone three yards in length, 
two in width, and only a few inches in depth, is placed above 
the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in the shape of an 
amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds ; and odori- 
ferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around. 

Account of the late JBRnff's Family. 

[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto '^lamgir five sons and 
five daughters, bom of different mothers, and all learned in 
spiritual and worldly matters. Mention has already been made 
of them ; it now remains to give a short notice of each. 

The first son was Muhammad Sult&n, bom of the Naw&b B&i, 
on the 4th of Bamaz&n, in the year 1049 a.h. (14th November, 
1639 A.D.). His manners were agreeable, he knew the Eur&n 
by heart, and was well acquainted with the Arabic, Turldsh and 
Persian languages. His valour was great. This Prince died in 
the 21st year of the reign. 

The second son, Muhammad Mu'azzam Shah 'Xlam Bah&dur, 
was bom of the same Naw&b B&i, in the end of Bajab, 1053 a.h. 
(September, 1643 a.d.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect 
knowledge of the Kur&n, and of the science of reading. When 
so engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his 
knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet, 
that he is held by all the learned men of the day to be un- 
equalled in this accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic, 
and the fluency and elegance of his diction are the wonder of 
the very Eur&n-readers of Arabia. He knows many sorts of 
writing, is carefiil of his time, and a protector of the poor. 

Prince Muhammad A'zam, the third son^ was bora of Dilras 
Binii Begam, daughter of Sh&h Naw&z Eh&n Safawi, on thQ 12th 
of Sha'b&n, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distin- 
guished for his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many 
ways, and his innate virtues and sagacity rendered him the in- 
dispensable companion of the late King. His death occurred 



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196 SiCKr MXTSTA'IDD KHAN. 

on the 18th of BabI'a-1 awwal, only three moHths and twenty 
days after that of his royal parent. It was marked by deeds 
of valour. 

The next son, Prince Akbar, was bom of Begam,^ on the 12th 
of Zi-1 hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 a.d.). He 
fled from his father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the 
48th year of the reign, but there are two reasons for supposing 
that his end was a happy one. In the first place, the King 
remarked that Prince Akbar had always performed his Friday 
prayers most devoutly ; and secondly, his mortal remains lie in 
the area of the tomb of Imam Bizd (on whom be blessings and 
praise !). 

Muhammad K&m Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was bom on 
the 10th of Ramazdn, in the year 1077 (25th Febmary, 1667). 
His mother was B4{ 1/dipuri. His &ther instmcied him in the 
word of Grod, and his knowledge of all known works surpassed 
that of his brothers. The Turkish language and several modes 
of writing were familiar to him. He was brave and generous. 
The death of this Prince took place two years after that of his 
father. 

Account of the Daughters. 

Zebu-n Nisd Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was 
bom of Begam ^ on the 10th of Shaww&l, in the year 1048 (5th 
Febmary, 1639). Owing to the King's teaching, she became 
thoroughly proficient in knowledge of the Eur&n, and received as 
a reward the sum of 30,000 ashrqfis. Her learning extended to 
Arabic, Persian, to the various modes of writing, and to prose 
and poetry. Many leamed men, poets and writers were em- 
ployed by her, and numerous compilations and original works 
are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the Tafsir-i 
Eahir, called Zebu-t Ta/dsir, was the work of MuUa Safi'u-d din 
Ardbeli, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death 
occurred in the year 1113 (1701 a.d.). 

^ The name is not given. 



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MA-ASIB.I 'ALAMGrBr. 197 

The second daughter was Zinatu-n Nis& Begam. She was 
bom on the 1st Sha'b&n, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643 
A.D.). This Princess is remarkable for her great piety and 
extreme liberality. 

Badru-n Nisd Begam, the third in order, was bom of the 
Naw4b B&i on the 29th Shawwil, in the year 1057 (17th 
November, 1647 a.d.). She knew the Kur&n by heart, was 
pious and virtuous. Her demise took place on the 27th Zi-1 
kaMa in the 13th year of the reign. 

The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nis& Begam, was bom on the 
26th Bamaz&n, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 a.d.). 
Her mother was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in 
worship, prayer, and pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr 
Shukoh, son of D&r& Shukoh. She went to Paradise in the 
same month as her fother^ to whom her death was not made 
known. 

Mihru-n Nis& Begam, the fifth daughter, was bom of 
Aurang&b&di Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072 
(13th September, 1661). She became the spouse of fzad 
Bakhsh, son of Mur&d Bakhsh, and lived until the year 1116. 



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198 

LXXIV. 
FUTUHitT-I 'ALAMGtRt 

MUHAMMAD MA'SlTM. 

[This book of " the Victories of Aurangzeb ^' would seem also 
to be known as WdkfdM 'A'lamgiri. There is a translation of 
the Preface and of the Table of Contents among Sir H. M. 
Elliotts papers. From the Preface it appears that the author 
was Muhammad Ma'sum, son of S&Iih. He was employed in 
the service of Sult&n Shuj&', Aurangieb's brother, "whose 
generosity is equal to that of the sun." Having obtained a few 
monthsMeave of absence, he, with mach hesitation and diffidence, 
determined, as he says, ^' to write the events of these two or 
three years, which I have witnessed myself or have heard from 
others.*" The Table of Contents gives 66 Chapters. The first 
relates to Shah Jahan's conquest of Balkh and Badakhsh&n. 
Chapter 62 *^ relates the murder of D&r& Shukoh by the orders 
of Aurangzeb in the garden of Khizr&bfid, by the hands of Sh&h 
Nazar Cheld^ and of the burial of his remains in the mausoleum 
of Hum&ydn, which is the burial-place of all the murdered 
princes of this house." Chapter 66 gives the remaining account 
of Sh&h Shujd" and Mu'azzam Kh&n. The translator adds : 
'' The history is not complete, and it is not known whether the 
author had written only thus far, or whether the scribe had no 
time to copy further." As it professes to be only the history of 
two or three years, it is probably complete. There is, according 
to Dr. Bird, another work bearing this title written by Sri Das, 
a N&gar Brahman of Gujardt. " The author was a spectator 
of the occurrences he details, and was in the service of Shaikhu-1 
Isldm, the son of 'Abdu-1 Wahh&b Ahmadibddi. This work is 
very rare.""^] 

1 Bird^i Otifardff p. 89. 



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199 



LXXV. 
TXnTKB.-l MULK-I XSHX^ 

• OP 

SHAHi!^BU-D DfN TXLKSU. 

[This is an account of the expedition to Assam undertaken in 
the fourth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, by Mu^azzam Eh&n 
Eh&n-kh&n&n. The author was Maul&n& Ahmad Shah&bu-d 
dm Tflish. It is a small work, and is noticed in Stewart^s 
Catalogue.^ There are some Extracts of the work among Sir H. 
M. Elliot's papers, and there is a copy in the Library of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal.] 

' See Joum. det Savants^ 1846, p. 702. 



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200 



LXXVI. 

OF 

NTAMAT KHiS^N. 

[This is the work of the celebrated wit and satirist, Mirzd 
Muhammad Ni'amat Eh&n, whose poetical sobriquet was ^Ali. 
His writings are much valued in India for the excellence of the 
style, which is highly florid ; but it is very obscure, and is 
more pregnant with metaphor than meaning. The author was 
appointed to the office of news-writer by Aurangzeb, and the 
Wakdt is especially devoted to the history of the siege and con- 
quest of Golkonda. The Makhzanu-l Oharaib states that his 
ancestors were physicians of Shiraz, but that he was brought up 
in Hindust&n. He was appointed by Aurangzeb to the mansab of 
bakdwali, with the title of Ni'^amat Khan, but he was ungratefiil 
to his patron and satirized him. At length, from improper 
conduct, he fell into disgrace. *^ His verses and ghazals are not 
excellent, but hb satire is pleasant and pungent." It appears 
that he had some knowledge of medicine. The Tdrikh'i Chagha- 
tdi also speaks of his strong powers of satire, and states that 
he received the title of D&nishmand £h&n in the first year of 
the reign of Bah&dur Sh&h. He afterwards wrote a Shdh-ndma, 
and died at Dehli in 1122 a.h. (1710 a.d.), in the 4th year of 
Bah&dur Sh&h, or according to another authority, two years 
earlier. * The author is the person referred to in the following 
passage from **• The Critical Essay "" : ^' Mirz& Muhammad, 
generally called Ni^amat Khkn H&ji, was an eminent personage, 
who obtained the title of D&nishmand Kh&n, and he has recorded 



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WAKAr. 201 

the events of that monarch's (Aarangzeb's) reign as &r as the 
third year. Although his work is written in a very pleasing 
style, yet it occasionally offends the reader^s delicacy by 
indecent jests and coarse witticisms, in which the author was 
too much ^uscustomed to indulge.*" In the Catalogue of 
Jonathan Scott's library, the WakdV is said to be a most 
curious work, exhibiting anecdotes of private character in a 
humorous and entertaining style; but, says Sir H. M. Elliot, 
^' I conceive that allusion must be made to the Muzhakdt^ which 
has been lithographed at Lucknow in the same volume as the 
author's Buka'dty The Wakdf has been printed at Bombay 
in a volume of 319 pages. It was also published at Lucknow in 
1843. The Editor of this edition, after lauding the author in 
the Pre&ce, says that ^* the work contains very difficult and 
complicated passages not suited to the comprehension of common 
people ; so, with great pains and diligent research in Persian and 
Arabic dictionaries, he has supplied marginal notes, turning the 
most difficult passages into a smooth and easy style." 

There is an abstract of a portion of this work among the 
papers, but it is a short dry summary of no value, either as a 
specimen of the work, or as a contribution to history.^] 

' [This article has been compiled from Sir H. M. EUiot's rough sketch and from 
Persian notes and extracts coUected by him.] 



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202 



Lxxvn. 

JANG-Ni^MA 

OF 

NTAMAT KUKii 'Kht. 

[This ^'Book of War"' is another production of Ni'amat Kh&n 
or D&nishmand Eh&n, the writer of the last-noticed work. An 
abstract of the work prepared for Sir H. M. Elliot shows that it 
begins with the war carried on by Auran<i;zeb against the B&n& 
of Ifdipdr, and ends with the accession of Bahadur Sh&h. The 
struggle which followed the death of Aurangzeb occupies a con- 
siderable portion of the work. A lithographed edition of th^ 
work was printed at Lucknow in 1261 a.h. (1845 a.d.).] 



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203 



Lxxvni. 

07 

THE EMPEBOR AURANGZEB. 

These letters exhibit the private life, and sentiments of this 
Prince, so they should be allowed a place in his history. The 
following account is given of them by Elphinstone in his 
History (p. 673). 

'^ There are three collections of his letters. First, the Kialirndt-i 
Taiyibdt^ published by one of his chief secretaries, 'In&yatu-llah ; 
second, the Bakdin^i KardHm by the son of another secretary ; 
and third, the Daatiru-l *Aml Agdhi collected from all quarters 
thirty-eight years after his death. The first two collections pro- 
fess to be merely the rough drafts or notes which he wrote with 
his own hand for his secretaries. Most of the third collection 
have the same appearance. They are without dates or order, 
and are often obscure, from their brevity, and our ignorance of 
the subjects alluded to." 

One set was indifferently translated many years ago by Mr. 
Eales in Calcutta, and a few Extracts have been published in the 
Asiatic Annual Register, vol. iii. 

Instead of three sets of these letters, there appears to be more 
than four. 

The first of them has the following passage in the Prefiice : 
^^ Be it known to all learned men, that this book nhm^Ruka^dUi 
'A'lamgirj and sumamed KalimdUi Taiyibdt^ has been compiled 
from the epistles written by Muhiu-d din Muhammad Aurangzeb, 
King of Hindfist&n. The expression Muhin p&r khUdfat ua 
Farzand Sa'ddat tawam has been used in this book for the eldest 



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204 EMPEROE AUEANGZEB. 

son of the King, Salt&n Muhammad Mu'azzam, sumamed Sh&h 
^^lam. Sometimes the expression Sa'ddat tawam has also been 
applied to his second son, Sult&n Mahammad A^zam Sh&h ; but 
the term Farzand-i *AU Jdh is only used for the eldest. By the 
term Birddar^i nd'tnihrbdn is meant the Eang's elder brother, 
D&r& Shukoh. The expressions Farzand-zdda-i 'aziz and Farzafui- 
zdda bahddur are respectively intended for Muhammad Mu*izzu-d 
din, the eldest son of Sh&h 'iilam, and for Muhammad Bed&r 
Bakht Bah&dur, the son of Sult&n Muhammad A'zam Sh&h 
MuhiH'pur. The words Farzand-zdda 'azimu-l kadr are used for 
Muhammad 'Azimu-d d(n, the second son of Shdh ^^lam. The 
expressions Umdatvrl MuUc MaddrU'l Muhdm and dnfidwi are 
peculiar to Asad Kh&n, who was honoured with the title of 
Amirt^l umard after the death of Sh&yista Kh&n. The term 
Khdn Firoz Jang is the abbreviated title of Ghazi^u-d din Kh&n 
^JFiroz Jang, Nuarat Jang is the title of Zu-1 Fik&r Khdn. 
Mirzd BakhsM is intended for Mirz& Sadru-d din Muhammad 
Kh&n Safawi. Mir-dtash for Tarbiyat Khan, and the single word 
Samid for Hamidu-d din Kh&ar 

The name of the compiler is not mentioned. This Ealimdt-i 
Taiyibdt has been lithographed at Lucknow in 8vo., and contains 
67 pages, 17 lines to a page. It is in extensive demand. 

The jRakdim-i Kardim is a somewhat smaller collection, and 
consists of 48 octavo pages of fifteen lines to a page. It com- 
prises letters written by the Emperor to Mir 'Abdu-1 Karim 
Kh&n, &ther of the compiler ; and out of compliment to him, 
the son called the collection by the name of Bakdim-i Kardim. 
The following is extracted from the Preface : ^' I Saiyid Ashraf 
Kh&n Mir Muhammad Husaini do myself the honour of collect- 
ing the epistles of the great King '^lamgir, which were written to 
my father 'Abdu-1 Karim Amir Kh&n, and of arranging them in 
the form of a book, which I denominate by the title of Bakdim-i 
Kardim^ as that expression is in a manner connected with the 
name of the late ''Abdu-l Karim. I much regret the loss of 
most of the Emperors epistles, which were either despatched 



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BUKA'AT-I 'ALAMGIRr. 205 

to their several addresses without being copied in my father's 
ojBice, or were destroyed through the ignorance and carelessness 
of his attendants. However, those which have remained un- 
injured are most dear to me." 

The DaatiirU'l ^AmlAgdhi appears from the following passage 
in the Introduction to have been compiled under the orders of 
B&ja Ay& Mai. ^' The dependents of the King '^larogir have 
collected the celebrated epistles from that monarch to the different 
princes and nobles, into several pamphlets, without arranging 
them in the form of a regular book ; but at the request of B&ja 
Ay& Maly one of his learned servants collected the detached 
pamphlets into one volume in the Hijra year 1156 (1743 a.d.), 
and denominated the work DastitrU'l ""Ami A'gdhi. As the style 
of these epistles was rather difficult to be understood by every 
one, since the King was very fond of figurative language, the 
compiler takes the opportunity of giving in this Preface the real 
meanings of the peculiar expressions used by the King.**^ Then 
follows the explanation given in Che Extract from the EiaHmdi-i 
Taiyibdt, 

It appears that another collection had been previously 
made under the same direction, and that another name is 
given to that collection. The fourth collection is called Ramz 
wa Ishdrahde *Alamgir^ and bears the name of the compiler, 
of which in the case of the Dastdru-l 'Ami wa Agdhi we 
are left in ignorance. ^'The correspondence of the Emperor 
'Alamgir appears at first sight to consist of ordinary epistles, 
but in reality they convey the best instruction to kings, and 
the most useful kind of information to nobles and courtiers. 
They may be considered harmless fiiends to all, whether they 
love retirement or take delight in society. Originally they did 
not form a regular book, but at the instigation of the celebrated 
and learned B&ja Ay& Mai, Budh Mai, surnamed Bam, collected 
them and formed a book in the year 1151 a.h. (1738 a.d.). 

There is another collection bearing the name of A!ddb'i 
''A'lamgirL This is composed of letters written by Aurangzeb 



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206 EMPEEOB AT7RANGZEB. 

to his father, sons, and officers. They were collected by 
MunshiU'l Mamdlik Shaikh Abu-1 Fath, and were arranged and 
formed into a book by S&dik, entitled Nd-tamdm^ a resident of 
Amb&la. The work is noticed in the Catalogue of the Mackenzie 
Collection (vol. ii. p. 135). [There are seyeral Extracts of this 
work among Sir H. M. Elliot's MSS., and there is a copy in 
the British Museum.] 



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207 



Lxnx. 

MFNTAKHABU-L LUB/CB 

or 
MUHAMMAD HASHIM, KH^Fr KHAN. 

This work, which the author himself styles Munt<ikhabu4 Luhdb 
Muhammad 8hdM, is frequently called Tdrikh-i Khdft Ehdn. It 
is a highly esteemed history, commencing with the Inyasion of 
B&bar, a,d. 1519, and concluding with the fourteenth year of 
the reign of Muhammad Sh&h. It contains also an Introduction, 
giving an outline of the history of the Mughals and Tartars 
from Noah to B&bar. It is chiefly valuable for containing an 
entire account of the reign of Auningzeb, of which, in con- 
sequence of that Emperor^s well-known prohibition, it is very 
difficult to obtain a full and connected history. It is, however, 
to that very prohibition we are indebted for one of the best 
and most impartial Histories of Modem India. 

Muhammad H&shim, also called H&shim 'Ali Eh&n, is better 
known as an author by the designation "SkhkR Eh&n. He was a 
man of a good family residing at Dehli, and he privately com- 
piled a minute register of all the events of this reign, which he 
published some years after the monarch's death. His father, 
Elhw&ja Mir, also an historian, was an officer of high rank in 
the service of Mur&d Bakhsh ; but after that Princess confine- 
ment and murder, he passed into the employment of Aurangzeb. 
Muhammad H&shim Kh&n was brought up in Aurangzeb^'s 
service, and was employed by him in political and military 
situations. He himself gives an interesting account of a mission 
on which he was sent by the Viceroy of Gujar&t to the English 
at Bombay; on which occasion, while commending them in 



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208 KHAFr KHAN. 

other respects, he accuses them of levity in laughing more than 
befitted the solemnity of political intercourse. [He frequently 
speaks in his own person, reporting what he had himself seen or 
heard. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar, he was made a ditcdn by 
Niz&mu-l Mulk (the first of the Niz&ms of Haidar4b&d), and 
writes with interest and favour in all that concerns that chief. 
For this reason he is sometimes designated Nhdmu-l MulkiJ] 

His work is a complete history of the House of Timur, giving 
first a clear and concise account of that dynasty, from the founder 
down to the close of Akbar'^s reign. This portion of the work is 
condensed, the events having been so fully detailed by previous 
writers. The great body of the work is occupied with the 
hundred and thirty years that succeeded the death of Akbar, of 
which period the author states that the last fifty-three years were 
written from his own personal observation, and the verbal ac- 
counts of men who had watched the occurrences of the time. It 
is considered probable that he had composed the first half of the 
work before he was compelled to stop by Aurangzeb's orders, but, 
being anxious to bring down his history to the close of his own 
life, he continued his labours in secret. It is represented that 
Muhammad Sh&h was so pleased with the history that he 
ennobled the author with the title of Kh&fi Eh&n, the word khdfi 
meaning ^' concealed.'' This origin of the designation is the one 
ascribed by all modem writers, and has been fully accredited by 
our English historians ; but I am disposed to dispute the correct- 
ness of this story, and to consider Kh&fi as a gentilitious name 
denoting the country whence his family sprung. E[h&f, or more 
correctly Ehw&f, is a district of Khur&s&n near Naish&pur, and 
Khwqfl so applied is by no means unfamiliar to Asiatics. Thus 
we have the famous doctor Shaikh Zainu-d din Ehw&f[,^ Im&m 
Khw&f[, the Khw&fi Saiyids, etc., and what is confirmatory of 
this opinion is that not only does Ghul&m 'AH Sh&h style our 
author Muhammad H&shim the son of £hw&ja Mir Ehw&ff, but 
he himself gives his ^fiftther's name as Mir Ehw&fl. It is not 
1 [See supril, YoL IT. p. 288.] 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 209 

impossible that Mahamniad Sh&h may have indulged in a joke 
upon the author's original name, and may have expressed himself 
in some such phrase to the effect that the author was now really 
Khw&fi. [Mr. Morley, in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, adopts the former explanation, and says : 
" From the fact of the work haying been so long concealed 
(khdft)^ its author received the title of Kh&R Kh&n." Colonel 
Lees, on the other hand, arrived independently at the same 
conclusion as Sir H. M. Elliot. He shows that the patronymic 
Khw&fi was one in very common use, and thinks that the 
interpretation '' concealed ^' *^ had its origin in an imperfect and 
somewhat ludicrous misrepresentation of what Kh&fi Kh&n 
himself says, to which has consequently been given a sense the 
very opposite of its true meaning. Kh&fi Kh&n certainly 
says that he kept all these things locked up in a box, but it 
was the box of his ' memory.^ ^ There might have been some 
reason for Kh&fi Khan concealing his work for a year or two 
after the death of Aurangzeb ; but there seems no sound or 
apparent reason for his concealing his work for nearly thirty years 
after that event."*] 

The author of the '' Critical Essay/^ translated and published 
for the Oriental Translation Fund, speaks of this history as con- 
taining a detailed and particular statement of various transactions 
which the author himself had actually witnessed, regretting at the 
same time that he had never seen it. When Colonel Dow wrote 
his History of Hindust&n, he was obliged to conclude at the end 
of the tenth year of Aurangzeb'^s reign, because there were 
no documents calculated to throw light upon the subsequent 
period. Mill also complains that we have no complete 
history of Aurangzeb. This defect has since been remedied by 
the Honourable Mountstewart Elphinstone, who has judiciously 
availed himself of Kh&fi Kh&n's history, and thus has been 

^ [See the panage post, under the Eleyenth Year of the Keign.] 
2 [Journal Boyal Asiatic Society, v. a, toI. iii. p. 471.] 



14 



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210 KHAPr KEAN. 

enabled to give us a complete narrative of the reign of Aurang- 
zeb and his immediate successors. Elphinstone confesses himself 
indebted to Major A. Gordon, of the Madras Army, for a MS. 
translation of Kh&fi Kh&n's history down to near the end of 
Jah&ngir's reign ; and he expresses his regret (Book X. Gh. I.), 
'^ that this excellent translation has not been carried on to the 
end of the history, which comes down to recent times, and 
affords the only full and connected account of the whole period 
which it embraces.'^ Grant Duff acknowledges the same obliga- 
tion in his History of the Mahrattas (vol. i. p. 118), and states 
that Mr. Erskine had translated the portion relating to Sh&h 
Jah&n's transactions with the Dakhin. [Inquiries have been 
made for this MS. translation of Major Gordon, but without 
success.] 

[Sir H. M. Elliot had made no provision for the translation of 
this work. The lengthy translation which follows is entirely 
the work of the Editor. The Text used is that published in 
the Bibliotheca Indica ; but two MSS. containing the history of 
Aurangzeb's reign, one belonging to the Library of the East 
India Office, and the other to the Royal Asiatic Society, 
have been occasionally referred to. A greater number of copies 
has not been sought for, because, according to Colonel Lees, the 
MSS. differ very much. " Copies (of Kh&fi Khin's history) 
are very numerous; but, strange to say, no two copies that I have 
met with — and I have compared five apparently very good MSS. 
— are exactly alike, while some present such dissimilarities as 
almost to warrant the supposition that they are distinct works, 
some passages being quite accurate, and others again entire^ 
dissimilar. In the copies to be found of other well-known MSS., 
which have been copied and recopied repeatedly, we find omissions 
and a variety of readings^ but not such broadcast discrepancies 
as I have found in some of the copies of Kh&fi Kh&n which I 
have consulted."] 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 211 

EXTRACTS. 

Europeans at Huglx} 

[Text, vol. i. p. 468.] The Mringis^ had formed a commer- 
cial settlement at Hdgli, twenty kos from E&}mah&l in Bengal. 
In former times they had obtained the grant of a parcel of land 
for the stowing of their merchandize and for their abode. There 
they built a strong fort, with towers and walls, and fiimished 
it with, artillery. They also built a place of worship which 
they call "church" (kalUd). In course of time they overstepped 
the sufferance they had obtained. They vexed the Musulm&ns 
of the neighbourhood, and they harassed travellers, and they 
exerted themselves continually to strengthen their settlement. 
Of all their odious practices this was the worst : — In the ports 
which they occupied on the sea-coast, they offered no injury 
either to the property or person of either Muhammadans or 
Hindus who dwelt under their rule ; but if one of these in- 
habitants died, leaving children of tender age, they took both 
the children and the property under their charge, and, whether 
these young children were aaiywfe, or whether they were brdh- 
mans^ they made them Christians and slaves {mamluk). In 
the ports of the Eokan in the Dakhin, and on the sea-coast, 
wherever they had forts and exercised authority, this was 
the custom of that insolent people. But notwithstanding the 
notoriety of this tyrannical practice, Musulm&ns and Hindds of 
all tribes went into their settlements in pursuit of a livelihood, 
and took up their abode there. They allowed no religious 
mendicant (fakir) to come into their bounds. When one found 
his way in unawares, if he were a Hindd he was subjected to 
such tortures as made his escape with life very doubtful ; and if he 
were a Musulman he was imprisoned and worried for some days, 
and then set at liberty. When travellers passed in, and their 
baggage was examined for the custom-duties, no leniency was 
shown if any tobacco was found, because there are regular 

^ See 8upr^, p. 31. 



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212 KHAFr KHAN. 

licensed sellers of tobacco, and a traveller must not carry more 
than enough for his own use. Unlike a Hindu temple, their 
place of worship was very conspicuous^ for tapers of camphor 
were kept burning there in the day-time. In accordance with 
their vain tenets, they had set up figures of the Lord Jesus and 
Mary (on our Prophet and on them be peace !), and other figures 
in wood, paint and wax, with great gaudiness. But in the 
churches of the English, who are also Christians, there are no 
figures set up as idols. The writer of these pages has firequently 
gone into that place, and has conversed with their learned men, 
and records what he has observed. 

Reports of the unseemly practices of these people reached 
the Emperor, and when K&sim Kh&n was sent to Bengal as 
Governor, he received secret orders to suppress them, and to 
take their fortress. K&sim Kh&n accordingly proceeded to 
Hugli and laid siege to it. The detail of his skilful arrange- 
ments and strenuous exertions would be of great length ; 
sufiice it to say that, by the aid of boats, and by the advance 
of his forces both by land and water, he brought down the 
pride of those people, and subdued their fortress after a siege 
of three months. Nearly 60,000 raxyaU of that place came out 
and took refuge with K&sim Kh&n. Ten thousand persons, 
FiringiM and raiyaU perished in the course of the siege. Four- 
teen hundred Mringis^ and a number of persons who had been 
made Christians by force, were taken prisoners. Nearly ten 
thousand persons, innocent raiyats and captives of those people, 
were set free. More than a thousand Musulm&ns of the Imperial 
army fell in the course of the siege. 

Eeign of Abu-l Muzaffar Muhiu-d DiN Muhammad 
AuEANGZEB Bahadur '-^j^lamgIr Padshah-i Ghazi, 
Eleventh in Descent from Amir TiMUR. 

Auranffzeb. 
[Text, vol. ii. p. 2.] The attempt to write an epitome 
of the fifty years* reign of this illustrious monarch is like 



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MUNTAKrfABU-L LUBAB. 213 

trying/^ measure the nvaters of the sea in a pitcher; the 
affifu^ of the last ferty years in particular are a boundless 
ocean; which authors have shrunk from committing to the 
thread of narrative. But for all this, the writer of these 
pa<res has resolved that to the best of his ability, and with 
the mo^ active exertion, after the most exhaustive in- 
quirv/ind complete investigation, he will narrate some events 
capable of narration which he has heard from the tongues 
w men advanced in years, which he has fully verified by 
inquiries from men in ojBice and from the writers of official 
despatches, and by the evidence of his own eyes during this 
period of time. Like plagiarists of no ability, he commits one 
fact out of a hundred to his crude relation, and ofiers his 
petition to his intelligent critics and well-informed readers, that 
if, from his feeble grasp of the thread of narrative, any discre- 
pancies should appear between the earlier and later portions of 
his work, or if any trifling variations from other histories should 
appear, they will hold him excused, because in trustworthy 
books even discrepancies are found arising from varying versions 
(of the same occurrence). 

Birth of Aurangzeb. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 3.] Aurangzeb was bom in the year 
1028 A.H. (1619 A.D.) at Dhud,^ which is on the frontiers of 
the sitha of Ahmad&b&d and M&lw&, whilst his father was 
Bubaddr of the Dakhin. iro(-<^9' ^^ "P^a.^ C h^^. '^- r_ ,J . » ^,., f^ 

Illness of Shah Jahdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 4.] On the 7th Zi-1 hijja, 1067 a.h. (Sept. 8, 
1657 A.D.), (the Emperor Sh&h Jah&n, called after his death) 
Firdaus makdnU was attacked with illness, which turned out 

> The " Dohnd " of Thornton, " one hundred miles W. of Ujjain, and seventy- 
seveu N.E. of Baroda." 



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214 KHAFF KHAX. 

to be strangury. This prodaoed much derangement in the 
government of the country, and in the peace of the people. 
t>&r& Shukoh looked upon himself as heir to the throne, and 
even in the time of hi« father's health he had held the reins 
of government. But he had fallen into ill repute through 
having imbibed the heretical tenets of the 8&fis. He had 
declared infidelity {kufr) and Isl&m to be twin brothers, and had 
written treatises on this subject ; he had also associated himself 
with Brdhmana and Groaains. Seizing the opportunity (of his 
father's illness), he took the direction of State affairs into his own 
hands, and having exacted from the ministers their pledges not 
to publish what passed in -council, he dosed the roads of Bengal, 
Ahmad&b&d, and the Dakhin against messengers and travellers. 
But when the intelligence of his officious meddling had spread 
abroad through the provinces by the d4k'Chauki (post), a strong 
adverse feeling was shown by the amirs^ zaminddrs^ and raiyats^ 
and also by the unruly spirits who sought for a field of action. 
Turbulent men from every comer and quarter, and men eager 
for a fray, in every province and country, raised their heads in 
expectation of strife. 

When intelligence of these proceedings reached Muhammad 
Shuj&' in Bengal, and Muhammad Murdd Bakhsh in Ahmad- 
&b&d, each of them, vying with the other, had coins struck and 
the khutha read in his own name. Shuj&', with a large force, 
marched against Bihdr and Patna, and the news of his move- 
ments was carried to the capital. Sh&h Jah&n had from the 
very first shown great partiality and affection for D&r& Shukoh, 
and generally, in all matters, had done his best to gratify his 
son. Now that he was ill, and no longer master of himself, he 
was more than ever inclined to gratify D&rd and yield to his 
wishes. D&r& Shukoh looked with an eye of apprehension upon 
the talents of Prince Aurangzeb, and was made uneasy by the 
vigour and wisdom which he displayed. So, by various argu- 
ments, he induced his father to recall to Court the nobles and 
generals who were engaged with Aurangzeb in the siege of 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 215 

Bijdpiir. When this evil news became known, the prosecution 
and completion of the siege of Bij&pur was prevented. Aurang- 
zeb made an arrangement with Sikandar '^dil Sh4h of Bij&pur, 
and accepted from him a promise to pay a tribute of a kror 
of rupees in cSish and goods as the price of peace. He then 
raised the siege of Bij&pur, and proceeded to Khujista-buny&d 
( Aurang&b&d). After this he learned that Dkrk Shukoh, with the 
intention of getting possession of the treasure of Sh&h Jah&n, 
had left Dehli, and had gone to ^gra. 



Defeat of Muhammad Shujd\ 

[vol. ii. p. 6.] On the 4th Rabi u-1 awwal, 1068 a.h. (1st 
December, 1657), D&ra Shukoh sent B&ja Jai Singh, and several 
other amira^ with an army under the command (of his son) Sulai- 
m&n Shtikoh against Muhammad Shuj&'. When the B&ja with 
the vanguard arrived near Benares,^ Muhammad Shuj&' prepared 
his forces for battle, and having got possession of several boats, 
he advanced to give battle to the R&ja, and halted a ko% and 
a half from him. Next day the B&ja moved from his ground 
early in the morning before sunrise, and while Muhammad 
Shujd' was yet asleep under the influence of wine, the B&ja 
attacked him. Boused from his slumber, the incautious and 
careless Prince found that all was lost. He made a hurried flight 
with some of his servants and companions to a boat, and made * 
his escape. All his camp and treasure, artillery, and maUriely 
was plundered, and fell into the hands of the Baja. After this 
defeat, Muhammad Shuj&' did not return to Bengal, and that 
country fell into the possession of the officers of Dara Shukoh. A 
number of his servants and companions were taken prisoners, 
and were carried off by the B&ja to Agra. D&r& Shukoh had 
them paraded round the city ; afterwards he put some of them 
to death, and of many others he had a hand amputated. 

1 « At the Tillage of Bah&durp6r, on the aide of the Ganges. "— 'if iam^lr-ftcfma. 

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216 KHAPr KHAN. 

March against Murdd Bakhsh. 

[vol. ii. p. 6.] ^ On the same day that Salaimdn Shukoh and 
B&ja Jai Singh were sent against Muhammad Shaj&\ Mah&r&ja 
Jaswant Singh and K&sim Kh&n, with the royal artillery and 
with several thousand horse and some guns of their own, and 
attended by several amira of repute, were ordered to march to 
Ahmad&b&d and the Dakhin. Their instructions were that they 
were to ascertain the true state of affairs, and if Muhammad 
Murdd Bakhsh should move from Ahmad&b&d, K&sim Kh&n ^ 
was to advance with several amira and some guns to meet and 
receive him. After receiving intelligence of Prince (Mur&d 
Bakhsh's) departure from the Dakhin, Mahar&ja Jaswant Singh 
was to act according to circumstances. If Prince Aurangzeb 
should begin to move fr^om the Dakhin, the Mah&r&ja and K&sim 
Kh&n were to lead all the royal forces across his line of march, 
and give him battle when opportunity offered. D&r& Shukoh 
made the province of M£lw& his own iktd\ and devoted the 
whole of the revenues to the payment of his officers, so that, 
their hopes being excited by the riches of that country, they 
might heartily support each other, and strengthen the army in 
prosecuting the war. 

It also came to hearing that Ddr& Skuhoh had imprisoned f s& 
Beg, the vakil of Aurangzeb, and had sequestered his house. 

Proceedings of Murdd Bakhsh. 

[vol. ii. p. 7.] It was learned from the news-letters {akhbdr) of 
Ahmad&b&d that Prince Muhammad Murdd Bakhsh had struck 
coin and caused the khutba to be read in his name. He had also 
sent Khwdja Shdhbdz, a eunuch, with an army and necessary siege 
train for the reduction of the fort of Surat, and the occupation of 
the port. Khwdja Shdhbdz, on reaching Surat, invested the place, 

^ ThiB statement begins with the words, " The news arriyed/' showing that the 
author writes from the side of Aurangzeb. This, or a phrase of like meaning, is 
often used. 

' '* Kftsim Ehfrn*s special duty was to act against Mur&d Bakhsh, and remove him 
from Gujar&t, and to support Jaswant Singh.'*— '^Vam^/r-na'ma, p. 33. 



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MTTNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 217 

and after driving mines and blowing ap bastions and forts, he 
reduced the fortress. Then he called together the merchants of 
the place, and demanded from them a contribution of fifteen lacs 
of rupees. After much parley, the chiefs of the merchants agreed 
to pay six lacs of rupees on behalf of their body, and took a bond 
for the money under the seal of Muhammad Mur&d Bakhsh, 
and the bail of Khw&ja Shihbiz. * * • * 



Movements of Aurangzeb. 

[vol. ii. p. 9.] About this time Mir Jumla arrived, who had 
been sent by Sh&h Jah&n before his illness to support Aurangzeb, 
and he acted as a trusted friend and &ithful counsellor. But 
Aurangzeb deemed it expedient, in order to avoid reproach, to 
leave Mir Jumla as a prisoner at Daulat&b&d, while he himself 
marched against his enemies. As a matter of prudence and expe- 
diency, Aurangzeb wrote repeatedly and in the most affectionate 
terms to Muhammand Mur&d Bakhsh, and offered him his con- 
gratulations. In his letters he said, ** I have not the slightest 
liking for or wish to take any part in the government of this 
deceitful and unstable world, my only desire is that I may make 
the pilgrimage to the temple of God. But whatever course you 
have resolved upon in opposition to the good-for-nothing and 
unjust conduct of our disgracefiil brother (birddar-i be-shukoh), 
you may consider me your sincere friend and ally. Our revered 
father is still alive, and I think that we two brothers should 
devote ourselves to his service, and to the punishment of the 
wilfulness of that haughty one and the presumption and conceit 
of that apostate. If it be possible, and we are permitted to see 
our father again, after exerting ourselves to put down that strife 
and insurrection, we will entreat the King to forgive the faults of 
our brother, who has involuntarily been impelled to such a course 
of action. After setting the government in order, and punishing 
the enemies of the State, our brother must be reclaimed, and he 
must go to pay a visit to the holy temple. It is important that 



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218 KHAFI KHAN. 

you should allow of no delay in your movements, but should 
march at once to chastise that presumptuous infidel Jaswant 
Singh. You must consider me as having arrived on your side of 
the Nerbadda, and must look upon my numerous army and power- 
ful artillery as the means of securing your victory. You must 
know that I make the Word of God my bail for this treaty and 
compact, and you must by all means banish suspicion from your 
mind.'' 

Aurangzeb arrived in Burh&npur on the 25th Jumada-1 awwal, 
(1068 A.H., 19th February, 1658 a.d.), * • and remained there 
a month attending to necessary arrangements, and obtaining 
accurate intelligence. On the 25th Jumdda-1 dkhir he set out 
on his march to the capital. * * Jaswant Singh knew nothing 
of the approach of the great army of the two brothers until 
they came within seven koa of Ujjain, when E&ja Sheor&j, 
commandant of Mdndu, obtained information of their having 
crossed at the ford of Akbarpur, and wrote the particulars to 
the Mah&rija. K&sim Kh&n, on hearing that Prince Mur&d 
Bakhsh had left Ahmad&bdd, went forth in haste to welcome 
him. But when he learnt that the Prince had gone eighteen 
ko8 out of the way to meet Aurangzeb, he turned back dis- 
appointed. D&r& Shukoh's men, who were in the fortress of 
Dh&r, when they beheld the irresistible forces df the two brothers, 
took to flight and joined the Mah&i*&ja. 

Raja Jaswant Singh, with Kdsim Kh&n, on the approach of 
Prince Aurangzeb, advanced a march to meet him, and pitched 
his camp at the distance of one koa and a half. Aurangzeb then 
sent a Brahman called Kab, who had a great reputation as a 
Hindi poet and master of language, to the B&ja with this 
message : ^' My desire is to visit my father.^ I have no desire 
for war. It is therefore desirable that you should either 
accompany me, or keep away from my route, so that no conflict 
may arise, or blood be shed.'' The B&ja did not acquiesce in 
this proposition, and sent an impertinent answer. Next day 
^ These few words represent the meAning of a great many. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 219 

both aides prepared for battle. * * * On the 22nd Bajab, 
1068 A.H. (20th April, 1668 a.d.), the battle was jomed.* * ♦ ♦ 
Every minute the dark ranks of the infidel Bdjpdts were dis- 
persed by the prowess of the followers of Isl&m. Dismay and 
great fear fell upon the heart of Jaswant, their leader, and he, 
far from acting like one of the renowned class of r&jas, turned 
his back upon the battle, and was content to bring upon himself 
everlasting in&my. * * K&sim Khdn also, with other Imperial 
officers and the forces of D&rk Shukoh^ took to flight. Shouts 
of victory arose from the men of Aurangzeb, and all the artillery, 
elephants, treasure, camels, baggage, animals, and equipments of 
the enemy, after being rifled and plundered, came into the 
possession of Aurangzeb. * * On the 27th Bajab the Prince 
marched from the borders of Ujjain, and on the 28th pitched his 
camp in the territories of Gwdlior, * * and on the 1st of 
Bamaz&n crossed the Ghambal. 

Condition of the Emperor Slidh Jahdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 20.] The hot climate of ^gra did not agree with 
the Emperor, and as he had only slightly improved in health, he 
set off for Dehli. D&r& Shukoh from the first disapproved of 
this removal, and spoke against it. Now when he had heard of 
the defeat of B&ja Jaswant Singh, he was bewildered, and so 
worried his father with complaints and importunities, that he pre- 
vailed upon him to return. With the greatest urgency he made 
preparations for the coming conflict, and began his march with 
all the great nobles of his father's suite, with the old and newly 
raised followers of his own amounting to about 60,000 men, 
and with a strong train of artillery. * * It is said that the 
JBmperor repeatedly forbad the march of Ddr& Shukoh, and 
said that nothing would come of it but further strife and conten- 
tion between the brothers. He conceived the idea of setting out 
himself to expostulate with the two brothers, and bring about a 

1 <*NearDhanii&^6r."— .^I'toflyir-iK/ma. 



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220 KHAFF KHAN. 

peace, and gave orders that preparations should be made for his 
journey. But D&r& Shukoh was averse to this, and being 
supported in his representations by Kh&n-Jah&n Sh&yista Kh&n, 
he diverted his father from his purpose. It is also recorded that 
before the news arrived of B&ja Jaswant^s defeat, and before the 
two armies of the Dakhin and Ahmad&b&d had united, the 
Emperor desired to go towards them, and frequently consulted 
Kh&n-Jah&n about it. Kh&n-Jah&n was maternal uncle of 
Aurangzeb, and was well disposed towards him. He did not 
approve of the Emperor'^s design, but spoke of the excellent 
character and intelligence of Aurangzeb out of the hearty 
kindness he felt for him. When the intelligence arrived of 
the defeat of B&ja Jaswant Singh, the Emperor was very angry 
with Khdn-Jah&n for the part he had taken. He struck him on 
the breast with his staff, and refused to see him for some two or 
three days. But his old feeling of kindness revived. He again 
consulted him about going forth to meet his sons ; but the Eh&n 
gave the same advice as before, so that, notwithstanding the 
preparations, the intended journey ended in nothing. 

Defeat of D&rd Shukoh by Aurangzeb, 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 22.] On the 16th of Sha'ban, (1068 a.h., 10th 
May, 1658 a.d.), Ddr& Shukoh sent Ehalilu-llah Kh&n, and * ^ 
with some of the Imperial and his own forces, as an advanced 
force to Dholpur, to make a stand there, and secure the fords of 
the Ghambal. He himself remained outside the city (of Agra) 
waiting for the arrival of Sulaim&n Shukoh, who was expected to 
return from his operations against Shuj&'. But as Sulaim&n did ' 
not arrive, he was obliged to start on his march to meet and en- 
gage his two brothers. On the 6th Bamaz&u, near Samugarh; 
the two armies encamped about half a ko8 distant from each 
other. The forces which had been sent to guard the fords had 
effected nothing at all. Next day D&r& Shukoh busied himself in 
distributing his forces, putting his guns in position, and arranging 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 221 

his train of elephants. He advanced a little and took np a position 
in a wide plain, presenting a front nearly two hoB in width. The 
day was so hot that many strong men died from the heat of their 
armour and want of water. Aurangzeb also rode forth, but as he 
saw no advantage in being precipitate and beginning the fight, he 
took his stand about a cannon-shot distance, and waited for his 
adversary to commence the attack. But, as he made no sign 
beyond a parade of his forces, after evening prayer, Aurangzeb 
encamped in the same position, but gave orders for a strict 
watch being kept until morning. Next morning * Aurangzeb * * 
distributed his forces (in the following manner). * * Muhammad 
Mur&d Bakhsh, with his famous sarddrs^ took his place with the 
left wing. * * Having made his arrangements, he kept with him 
a party of bold ai^d trusty men, of all tribes, and placing Prince 
Muhammad A'zam behind, in the howdUy he went forth to 
battle. * * 

The action began with discharges of rockets and guns, and 
thousands of arrows flew from both sides. Sipihr Shukoh, the 
leader of D&r&'s advanced force, in concert with Bustam Kh&n 
Dakhini, with ten or twelve thousand horse, made an attack upon 
Aurangzeb'*s guns. Driving back all before them, they pressed 
forward to Prince Muhammad Sult&n, who was with Aurangzeb's 
advance, and great confusion arose in this part of the army. 
Just at this juncture, by luck, a ball from the enemy'^s own guns 
struck the elephant of the brave Bustam Klian, and stretched 
the animal dead upon the ground. This accident intimidated 
Bustam Eh&n, and he withdrew from his attack upon the ad- 
vanced force, and fell upon the right wing under Bah&dur Eh&n 
Eoka. This commanding officer made a vigorous resistance ; but 
forces were continually brought to support Bustam Eh&n, and 
the battle grew warm. Bah&dur Eh&n at length received a 
wound which compelled him to retire, and many were killed 

^ Or, as the author expresses it, '* When the srnif the mighty monarch of the 
golden crown, with his world-conqnering sword, rose bright and refnlgent from his 
orient rising-place ; and when the king of the starry host put his head out of the 
window of the horizon." 



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222 KHAPr KHAN. 

and wounded on both sides. Aurangzeb's forces wavered, 
and seemed about to give way, when Isl&m Kh&n and others 
brought reinforcements to Bah&dur. At the same time Shaikh 
Mir and others, with the altatmh^ came up to support the 
right wing, and .to oppose Eustam Kh&n and the forces under 
Sipihr Shukoh. A desperate contest was maintained, * * but at 
length Bustam Kh&n was defeated, and Sipihr Shukoh also was 
hurled back. 

D&r& Shukoh, being informed of the repulse of Sipihr Shukoh 
and Eustam Kh&n, led the centre of his army, composed of not 
less than 20,000 horse, against the victorious wing. He 'ad- 
vanced with great bravery and firmness from behind his own 
guns against the guns and the advanced force which had won the 
victory. He was received with such heavy discharges of rockets, 
guns and muskets, and with such fierce charges from his brave 
opponents, that he was compelled to retire. 

D&r& next made an attack upon Prince Mur&d Bakhsh, and 
led a force like the waves of the sea against that lion of the field 
of battle. The conflict was raging when Khalilu-Ilah Kh&n, the 
leader of the enemy'*s vanguard, led three or four thousand Uzbek 
archers against the elephant of Mur&d Bakhsh. The arrows 
rained down from both sides, and confusion arose in the ranks of 
Mur&d Bakhsh, so that many were overpowered with fear and 
fell back. The elephant of Mur&d Bakhsh was about to turn 
away covered with wounds from arrows, spears, and battle-axes, 
but his brave rider ordered a chain to be cast round his legs. At 
this moment B&ja B&m Singh, a man highly renowned among 
the R&jpdts for his bravery, wound a string of costly pearls 
round his head, and with his men clothed in yellow, as bent 
upon some desperate action, charged upon the elephant of Mur&d 
Bakhsh, and crying out defiantly, " What, do you contest the 
throne with D&r& Shukoh P^^ hurled his javelin against Mur&d 
Bakhsh. Then he cried out fiercely to the elephant-driver, 
^^Make the elephant kneel down!'^ Mur&d Bakhsh having 
warded oflf his assault, shot him in the forehead with an arrow 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 223 

and killed him. The B&jputs who followed that daring fellow 
mostly fell dead around the feet of the Prince'^s elephant, and 
made the ground as yellow as a field of saffron. 

It is related in the *A'lamgir-ndma that at this point of the 
battle Aurangzeb came to the support of his brother, and helped 
to repulse the enemy. But the author of this work has heard 
from his father (who was present in the battle in the suite of the 
Prince, and remained with him to the end of the engagement, 
although he was severely wounded), and from other trustworthy 
informants, that the Prince, after repeatedly making inquiries 
and learning of the progress of the enemy, was desirous of going 
to the support of his brother. But Shaikh Mir dissuaded him, 
and advised him to remain patient where he was. Meanwhile 
the battle raged fiercely, and deeds of valour and devotion were 
displayed on all sides. 

The fierce R&jputs, by their energy and desperate fighting, 
made their way to the centre (which was under the command of 
Aurangzeb himself). One of them, B&ja Bup Singh Bathor, 
sprang from his horse, and, with the greatest daring, having 
washed his hands of life, cut his way through the ranks of his 
enemies sword in hand, cast himself under the elephant on which 
the Prince was riding, and began to cut the girths which secured 
the hawda. The Prince became aware of this daring attempt, 
and in admiration of the raan'*s bravery, desired his followers to 
take the rash and fearless fellow alive, but he was cut to pieces. 

While this was going on, Bustam Kh&n again advanced 
against his brave opponents, and the fight grew hotter. Bustam, 
who was the mainstay of Ddr&'s army, B&ja Sattar S&l, and 
*. * were killed in this conflict. D&r&, seeing so many of his 
noble and heroic followers killed and wounded, was much 
affected. He became distracted and irresolute, and knew 
not what to do. Just at this time a rocket struck the 
howda of his elephant. This alarmed and discouraged him so 
much that he dismounted in haste from his elephant, without 
even waiting to put on his slippers, and he then without arms 



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224 KHAFI KHAX. 

mounted a horse. The si^^ht of this ill-timed alarm, and of the 
empty howda^ after he had changed his elephant for a. horse, 
disheartened the soldiers. The men lost heart in sympathy with 
their leader, and began to think of flight. Just at this time, as 
one of his attendants was girding him with a quiver, a cannon- 
ball carried off the man's right hand and he fell dead. The 
'sight of this struck terror into the hearts of those around him ; 
some of them dispersed, and others fled from the fatal field. 
Dkrkf beholding the dispersion of his followers, and the repulse of 
his army, prizing life more than the hope of a crown, turned 
away and fled. Sipihr Shukoh also, at this time, joined his 
father with some of his followers,* and they all fled in despair 
towards Agra. A great victory was thus gained. Shouts of 
exultation followed, and the young princes offered their con- 
gratulations. 

Aurangzeb descended from his elephant to return thanks for 
this signal victory, surpassing all expectation, and, after perform- 
ing his devotions, he proceeded to the tent of D&r& Shukoh. 
Everything had been ransacked except this tent and the artillery, 
so he took possession of the tent, which thus received a new 
honour. He bestowed presents and praises upon the princes and 
his devoted nobles, delighting them with his commendation and 
eulogy. 

Prince Mur&d Bakhsh had received many arrow wounds 
in his &ce and body. Aurangzeb first applied to them the 
salve of praise and compliment, and then had them dressed 
by skilful surgeons. To the internal wounds of that weak- 
minded^ Prince he applied the balm of thousands of praises and 
congratulations upon (his approaching) sovereignty. Then he 
wiped away the tears and blood from his brother's cheek with the 
sleeve of condolence. It is said that the howda in which Murad 
Bakhsh rode was stuck as thick with arrows as a porcupine with 

I The *Amal'i Sdlih Bays thej were onlj thirty or fnrty ia numher. The same 
work giyefl a long and laboured account of this batUe^ but it is not so circumstantial 
as that of Kh&fi Eh&n. 

s Sddah-lauh, "Ubula rasa." 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 225 

qaills, BO that the ground of it was not visible. This hoKda 
was kept in the store-house in the fort of the capital as a 
curiosity, and as a memorial of the bravery of that descendant of 
the house of Timur, and there it remained till the time of the 
Emperor Farrukh Siyar. * * 

D&r& Shukoh^ with two thousand horse, many of whom were 
wounded, and without baggage, arrived at Agra in the evening 
without torches. He proceeded to his own house, and shame and 
remorse for his ruined fortune would not allow him to visit his 
father. The Emperor sent for him, professing a desire. to talk 
and take counsel with him, but he excused himself. In the same 
night, after the third watch, he went out of the city towards 
Dehli, intending to proceed to Ldhore. He took with him 
Sipihr Shukoh, his wife and daughter and several attendants. 
He also carried off on elephants^ camels and mules, his jewels, 
gold, silver, necessaries, and whatsoever he could. In the third 
day's march he was joined by nearly 5000 horse, and some 
nobles and equipments, which were sent after him by Iiis father. 

After resting a while from his victory, Aurangzeb addressed a 
letter to the Emperor [recounting tohat had passed], and excusing 
himself by referring all to the will, of God. Soon afterwards, 
Muhammad Am(n Eh&n, and Khdn-Jah&n, son of AW Kh&n, 
with many other nobles, who were the props of the State, came 
and proffered their services to Aurangzeb, and he honoured them 
with gifts of robes and jewels, horses and elephants. On the 10th 
Eamaz&n Aurangzeb marched from Samdgarh for -^igra, and 
encamped outside the city. There he received from his father a 
consolatory letter written in his own hand. Next day Kudsiya 
P4dsh&h Begam, by command of her father, came out to her 
brother, and spake to him some words of kindness and reproach 
by way of advice and as a proof of affection. The answer she 
received was contrary to what she had wished, and she returned. 
The Emperor then wrote another admonitory letter, and with a 
sword which bore upon it the auspicious name "Alamtrir" 
(world-conqueror), he sent it with kind messages by one of 
VOL. vn. 16 

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226 KHAPr KHAN. 

his personal attendants to Aurangzeb. The word ^'^amgir'" 
immediately attracted notice. It was deemed a good omen, 
and called forth congratulations. Aurangzeb then sent Prince 
Muhammad Sult&n to restore order in the city, to rescue it 
from the violence and oppression of the army and the mob, and 
to give peace to the people. To Khdn- Jah&n, son of Asaf Kh&n, 
he gave the title of Amiru-l umard^ * * and many of the other 
nobles who had come to wait upon him were rewarded with 
increase of rank and presents of money and jewels. * * 

Confinement of Shah Jahdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 32.] The authors of the three 'A'tamgir-ndmas 
have each described the seclusion of the Emperor Sh&h Jah&n by 
the will of Aurangzeb, but 'Jtidl Kh&n Khdfl, in his WdkVdt-% 
'A'lamgiri has entered fully and particularly into matters, and 
has described the investment of the fort (of Agra), the confine- 
ment of Sh&h Jah&n, the closing up of the waters (hand-namii' 
dan-i di>j,^and the somewhat bitter correspondence which passed. 
From this it appears that on the 17th Bamaz&n, 1068 (8th 
June, 1658), Aurangzeb directed Prince Muhammad Sult&n to 
go into the fort of Agra, and to place some of his trusty followers 
in charge of the gates. Afterwards he was directed to wait 
upon his grandfather, to deliver to him some agreeable and 
disagreeable messages respecting his retirement, and to cut off 
from him all means of intercourse with the outside. Accord- 
ingly Prince Muhammad Sult&n went in and acted according 
to his instructions. He took from the Emperor all power and 
choice in matters of rule and government, and placed him in 
seclusion. 

Muhammad Ja*&r Kh&n was sent to secure Mew&t, which 
formed part of the jdgir of D&r& Shukoh. Twenty-six lacs of 
rupees, with some other requirements of royalty, were presented 
to Mur&d Bakhsh. On the 22nd Eamaz&n Aurangzeb made 

1 Probably figaratlye. Bringing matters to a crisis. 

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MUNTAKHABir-L LUBAB. 227 

his entry into ^gra, and took up his abode in the house of Dkrk 
Shukoh. * * 

Fliffht of Ddrd ShukoL 

[vol. ii. p. 33.] When D&r& Shukoh reached the vicinity of 
Dehli, the close pursuit of Aurangzeb's forces, and the appre- 
hension of being shut up in the city, determined him to remain 
outside. There he employed himself in gathering money and 
supplied. Whatever he found in the royal stores, or in the 
houses of the amirs^ he laid hands upon. He remained some 
days awaiting the arrival of Sulaim&n Shukoh, who, after his 
defeat of Shuj&\ was wandering about in Bih&r and Patna in a 
state of perplexity — for the news of the success of Aurangzeb 
frightened him from going to join his father. D&rd, perceiving 
that if he remained longer he would fall a prisoner into the 
harsh hands of his brother, marched off towards the Panj&b 
with the new army which had gathered round him, numbering 
about 10,000 horse. Every day he wrote letters to Sulaim&n 
Shukoh, describing his wretched condition and his approach- 
ing arrival at^ Sirhind and L&hore. He also wrote conciliatory 
letters to the faujddra and governors of the Panjab, in which he 
mingled promises and threats. He repeatedly wrote to his 
father, lamenting his inability to wait upon him, through his 
adverse fortune and the unhappy dissension between the two 
brothers and their respective adherents. 

Aurangzeb also frequently resolved to go and see his father, 
to make excuses, and to seek forgiveness of the offences of 
which he had been guilty, by no choice of his own, but through 
the divine decrees of fate, and the unseemly conduct of his 
brother. But he knew that his father's feelings were strongly in 
favour of Dard Shukoh, and that under the influence of destiny 
he lost all self-control, so he determined that it was better not to 
pay the visit. Instead of going himself, he directed Prince 
Muhammad A'^zam to go and wait upon the Emperor with many 
apologies. The Prince accordingly presented 500 ashrafis and 



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228 KHAFr KHAN. 

4000 rupees ; and the Emperor, half lu joy, half in anger, took 
the Prince to his bosom, and shed tears over him as he embraced 
him. 

Aurangzeb next turned his attention to the pursuit of D&rd 
Shukoh. He left Prince Muhammad Sult&n with * * * to 
attend upon the Emperor, and he appointed Isl&m Kh&n to be 
the Princess director (atdlikj. * * On the 22nd Bamazdn he 
started in pursuit of his brother. On his way he learnt that 
D&r& had left Dehli on the 21st Ramaz&n, and had gone towards 
L&hore. ♦ ♦ ♦ He sent Kh&n-daur&n to supersede Saiyid 
E&sim B&rha in command of the fortress of All&hab&d. If the 
Saiyid gave over the fortress, he was to be treated with courtesy 
and sent to Aurangzeb ; if he refused to yield, Eh4n-daur&n was 
directed to invest the fortress, and to call for reinforcements if 
necessary. 

Sh&h Jah&n, while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mah&bat 
Kh&n, Governor of K&bul [a long letter, in which he said'] : 
" D&rA Shukoh is proceeding to Lihore. There is no want of 
money in L&hore, there is abundance of men and horses in 
E&bul, and no one equal to Mahabat Kh&n in valour and 
generalship. The Eh&n ought therefore to hasten with his army 
to L&hore, and, having there joined Dar& Shukoh, they might 
march against the two undutiful sons, to inflict upon them the 
due reward of their misconduct, and to release the Emperor, the 
S&hib Kir&n-i sini, from prison.**' * ♦ 

Imprisonment of Murdd Bakhah^ 

[vol. ii. p. 37.] This simple-minded^ Prince had some good 
qualities ; but in the honesty of his heart and trustfulness of his 
disposition, he had never given heed to the saying of the great 
man (Sa'dl) that two kings cannot be contained in one kingdom. 
He was deluded by flattering promises, and by the presents of 
money, etc , which had been sent to him, but they were deposits 
^ The *Alamgir-ndma calls him ^ stupid and ignorant.*' 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LITBAB. 229 

or loans rather than gifts. * * * On the 4th Shaww&l, while they 
were encamped at Mathurd, twenty-five koa from ^gra, Mar&d 
Bakhsh was made prisoner by a clever trick, which was aided by 
fortune, and into the particulars of which it is needless to enter. 
Chains were placed upon his feet. That same night four elephants 
with covered hawdaa were sent off in four different directions, 
each under two or three aarddn and an escort. The elephant 
which was sent to the fort of Salim-garh carried the prisoner 
Mur&d Bakhsh. This precaution was taken lest the partisans of 
the Prince should fall upon the howda in which he was confined. 
All the treasure and effects of Murad Bakhsh, not one dam or 
diram of which was plundered, was confiscated. 

FUffAt of Ddrd Skukoh. Aurangzeb ascends the Throne. 

[vol. ii. p. 39.] D&r& Shukoh, in his progress through the 
Panj&b, broke up^ burnt or sunk the boats where he crossed the 
rivers. * * It was reported that upon his arrival at L&hore he 
had seized upon nearly a kror of treasure, together with all the 
stores belonging to the Government and the royal amirs^ and 
that he was engaged in enlisting soldiers and collecting munitions 
of wan On hearing this, Aurangzeb, not caring to enter the 
fortress of Dehli, encamped in the garden of Agbar-&b&d, now 
called Sh&l&m&r, and he sent on an advanced force, under Bah&* 
dur Eh&n, in pursuit of D&r&. On the Ist Zi-1 ka'da, 1068 a.h. 
(22nd July, 1658 a.d.), after saying his prayers, and at an 
auspicious time, he took his seat on the throne of the Empire of 
Hinddst&n, without even troubling himself about placing his name 
on the coinage or having it repeated in the kfiutba. * * Such 
matters as titles, the khutba, the coinage, and the sending of 
presents to other sovereigns, were all deferred to his second taking 
possession of the throne. 

Sulaimdn Skukok. 

[vol. ii. p. 41.] Intelligence now arrived that Sulaim&n 
Shukoh had crossed the Ganges, and intended to proceed by 



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230 KHAFr KHAN. 

way of Hardwdr, to join his father. The Amiru-l umard and * 
were sent off to intercept him by forced marches. On the 7th 
Zi-I ka'da Aurangzeb began his march to L&hore in parsuit of 
D&rk. ♦ * The reporters now sent in the news that when 
Sulaim&n Shukoh was approaching Hardw&r, he heard that a 
force had been sent against him, and he had consequently turned 
off to the mountains of Srinagar. His expectations of assistance 
from the zaminddra of this country had not been fiilfiUed ; so 
some of his adherents had parted from him, and were repairing 
to Aurangzeb. There remained with him altogether not more 
than five hundred horsemen ; so, not deeming it prudent to 
stop longer there, he went off in the direction of AU&h&b&d. 
Before reaching that city his guardian ^ {atdlik) fell ill, and 
parted from him with more of his followers. Not more than 
two hundred now remained with him, so he returned to the 
Zaminddr of Srinagar. His road passed through the jdgir of 
the Princess Kudsiya. He extorted two leu^ of rupees from her 
manager, plundered his house, carried the man off prisoner, and 
afterwards put him to death. The remainder of his men now 
deserted him, and there remained only Muhammad Sh&h Eoka and 
a few attendants and servants. The Zaminddr o{ Srinagar coveted 
the money and jewels that he had with him, and kept him as 
a sort of prisoner in his fort. After this had been reported, 
Amiru-l umard, who had been sent to intercept Sulaim&n Shukoh, 
was directed to send him prisoner in charge of a detachment, 
and to go himself to ^gra to Prince Muhammad Sult&n. 

Ddrd Shukoh. 

[vol. ii. p. 42.] After leaving L&hore, D&r& Shukoh busied 
himself in raising forces, and in winning the hearts of the dwellers 
in those parts. He made promises and engagements in writing 
to the zaminddrs and faxyddra^ to conciliate them and augment 
his army. So he collected nearly twenty thousand horsemen. 
Ue wrote to his brother Shujd^ and made the most solemn 
^ <*Bah&dur Ehfin."— '^Voff^lr-ita'irui. 



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MUNTAKHAB(J-L LUBAB. 231 

promises and oaths, that after bringing the country into subjec- 
tion they would divide it between them in a brotherly way. 
These deceitful and treacherous letters deceived Shuj&', and 
although he had received kind and assuring letters and promises 
from Aurangzeb, the foolish fellow busied himself in collecting 
forces, and marched from Dacca to the assistance of D&rk Shukoh, 
with a strong army and a large force of artillery. It was D&ri 
Shukoh's desire to celebrate his accession to the throne at L&hore, 
and to have his name placed upon the coins and repeated in the 
khutba ; but the power of the sword of Aurangzeb prevented this. 
The zamindurs and faujddrs of name and station, hearing of the 
decline of the fortunes of D&r& and the rise of the fortunes of 
Aurangzeb, forsook the former. 

Raja Jaswant. 

[vol. ii. p. 42.] R&ja Jaswant, when he fled from the en- 
counter with Aurangzeb, betook himself to his own country. 
Women, especially B&jptit women, have often a higher sense of 
honour than men ; and for this reason will rather bear the tor- 
ture of fire than suffer disgrace. B&ja Jaswant's chief wife was 
a daughter of B&ja Ohattar S&l. She strongly condemned her 
husband^s conduct, and refused to sleep with him. In conversa- 
tion she would express her censure both by words and hints. 
The B&ja was stung to the quick by her reproaches, so he sent 
a letter by his vahih to Aurangzeb, asking forgiveness of his 
offences. After his apology was accepted, he proceeded to Court, 
where he was graciously received, presented with many gifts and 
confirmed in his manaab* 

Ddrd Shukoh. 

[vol. ii. p. 44.] Dktk Shukoh^'s newly- raised army had been 
greatly reduced by desertion, and he was alarmed at the approach 
of Aurangzeb ; so he fled with three or four thousand horse and 
a few guns towards Thatta and Mult&n. He left behind D&6d 
Kh&n to obstruct as much as possible the passage of the rivers 



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232 KOAPr KHAN. 

by the army of Aurangzeb,' by burning or sinking the boats. * * 
After a while the intelligence arriTed that D&r& Shukoh, after 
staying at Mult&n for a short time, had gone off towards Bhak- 
kar, and that his followers were daily decreasing. ♦ ♦ In the 
beginning of Muharram, 1069 a.h., Aurangzeb (continuing his 
pursuit of D&r&) pitched his camp on the banks of the Bivi 
near Multan. ♦ ♦ 

Prince SAujd\ 

[vol. ii. p. 45.] Intelligence now arrived that Muhammad 
Shujfi' had marched fi'om Bengal with 26,000 horse and a strong 
force of artillery, with the intention of fighting against Aurang- 
zeb. This proceeding changed the plans of Aurangzeb, who 
deemed it necessary to give up the pursuit of D&rd, and to direct 
his energies to the repression of this graceless brother. So on the 
12th Muharram, 1069 (30th Sept., 1658 a.d.), Aurangzeb fell 
back towards Dehli, the capital. * * On the last day of Mu- 
harram, he started from L&hore, * * and on the 4th Rabfu-l 
awwal he reached Dehli. . There he learned that Muhammad 
Shujd^ had advanced as far as Benares, and that R&m D&s, the 
commandant, who had been appointed by D&rd Shukoh, had sur- 
rendered the fort to Shuj&'. The commandants of Ghit&pur and 
AU&h&b&d had also surrendered their fortresses and joined him. 
* * After exacting three lac8 of rupees under the name of a loan 
from the bankers of Benares, Muhammad Shuj&^ continued his 
march. He sent a force against Jaunpur, and the commander of 
that fortress after its investment surrendered. and joined Shuj&\ 

Mir Jumla Miiazzam Khdn, 

[vol. ii, p. 44.] Instructions were sent to the Dakhin, direct- 
ing the release of Mu'azzam Kh&n, alias Mir Jumla, whom 
Aurangzeb had deemed it desirable to leave in confinement at 
Daulat&b&dt^ Mu'azzam Kh&n now arrived from the Dakhin, 

' These few lines are found fonr pages ciirlier in the text. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LTTBAB. 233 

his zeal having urged him to make a quick journej. He 
brought with him his military tnaUriel. Aurangzeb received 
him graciously, and acted under his advice in managing the 
army. * * He and his son Muhammad Amin Kh&n, with some 
other devoted adherents, were appointed to attend Aurangzeb, 
who was with the centre of the army. 

Defeat of Prince SAujd\ 

[vol. ii. p. 50.] The armies of Aurangzeb and Shujd' ^ were 
within half a kos of each other, and both sides prepared for battle. 
* * The guns of Shujd' were so placed as to have an advantage 
over those of his opponents ; so Mu^azzam Kh&n, who was a good 
tactician, removed forty guns during the night to another position. 
He took no rest, but busied himself in ordering his army and 
encouraging the men. The Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in 
his tent performing his devotions, and praying to God for victory. 
Suddenly, about the fourth watch, a great tumult arose. E&ja 
Jaswaut Singh,' the treacherous wretch,' who marched with the 
army, had, through one of his confidants, opened communications 
with Shuj&' in the early part of the night, undertaking to make 
a sudden assault upon the army just before daybreak, and to 
desert, doing as much mischief as he could. " When I do this,"' 
said he, '' the King (Aurangzeb) will come in pursuit of me ; 
you must then charge sharply upon his forces.^ 

About two hours of the night remained, when Jaswant Singh, 
in league with other B&jput leaders, set their numerous 
followers in motion, and began to move off, destroying and 
plundering as they went, and cutting down all who opposed 
them. The forces under Prince Muhammad Sultfin suffered 
especially from their attacks. No tent, small or great, escaped 
their ravages. All his treasure and effects were plundered. * * 

1 " At the Tillage of Kora."— 'if Aj^w^lr-ndma. " Shujfi's anny rested by the tank 
of Ebajwa or Eachhwa."— ' Jma/-t Sdlih, 
' He had been placed with other B&jaB in the right ^ing. 
3 A yery &int expression of the abuse heaped npon him. 



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234 KHAFr KHAN. 

Then they made towards the royal quarters, ransacking every- 
thing, and not a tent near the royal pavilion remained safe from 
them. For some time the cause of all this disorder was unknown. 
All kinds of erroneous surmises were made, and a panic was spread- 
ing through the whole army. Many men were so disheartened 
that they joined the plunderers, thinking that the best way of 
escaping from the disaster. One party fled to the open country ; 
another approached the enemy's army, and set about ravaging. 

* * But for all this confusion in the army, nothing shook the 
resolution of Aurangzeb. It was now reported to him that the 
traitor had moved off towards his home. Then Aurangzeb 
descended from his elephant, and took his seat in a litter that 
all the panic-stricken men who beheld him might see that he was 
resolute, and had no intention of retreating. He sent orderlies 
round to the commanders, directing them to forbid all riders 
of elephants or horses to stir from their places.^ * * Without 
exaggeration, half the army had gone away to plunder or escape, 
and many had joined the enemy. Intelligence was brought of 
Jaswant Singh having marched away towards Agra. 

Aurangzeb'^s devoted servants now gathered round him from far 
and near. He then again mounted his elephant, and without a 
cloud upon his brow rode forth to arrange his order of battle. 

* * Mu'azzam Kh&n received authority to make such alterations 
in the disposition of the forces as he deemed necessary. * * The 
battle began about the fourth or fifth ghari of the day with a 
cannonade which made the earth to tremble, and filled the hearts 
of both armies with awe and trembling. * ♦ A cannon-ball from 
the Emperor^s army reached the elephant on which Sult&ii 
Zainu-1 'dbidin* was riding, and although it did not strike the 
Sult&n,' it carried off one leg of the elephant-driver, and one 
leg also of the personal attendant who was seated behind the 
howda. This circumstance greatly discouraged many of Shuj&'s 

^ More eulogy of the Emperor's flrmnesB and reeolation foUows here and after- 
wards. 
» •• Son of Shnjii'.''— *if iawv^r-iirfmtf. » " Or the elephant"— iJ. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 235 

army. ♦ ♦ Saiyid 'Alam Birha, with three elephants, made an 
attack upon the left of the royal army, and the vigour of his 
assault spread confusion in the ranks of his opponents, and many 
of them took to flight. The retreat of the left wing made the 
centre waver, and the Emperor was left with only 2000 horse- 
men to protect him. Greatly encouraged by the sight, the 
enemy made a bold and fierce attack upon the centre. The 
Emperor mounted upon an elephant, moved about inspiriting 
hi& men and shooting arrows against his enemies. Murtaz& 
Ktili Kh&n, of the left wing, with * * several others, made a 
bold charge upon the enemy, and the Emperor, seeing how 
matters stood, joined in the charge. * * This gave a severe 
check to the enemy, who lost many men killed and wounded. 
The vigour of the Saiyids of B&rha had abated, but their three 
elephants, each of them dashing about with his trunk a chain of 
two or three mans weight, overthrew and crushed every one who 
came in their way. One of them at length charged towards the 
elephant of the Emperor. Without moving from his place or 
changing countenance, the Emperor made signs for his guards to 
shoot the animal's driver. One of the guards brought the man 
to the ground, and then one of the royal elephant-drivers got 
upon the elephant^s neck and led him off. The other two ele- 
phants then charged the right wing of the royal army, and other 
forces of the enemy coming up, this wing fell into confusion. * ♦ 
The Emperor was urged to move to its support, but he was 
hotly engaged himself. * * He sent messages to the officers of 
the right wing, urging them to stand fast until he could come to 
their assistance. Several of the enemy'^s leading men now fell, 
and the efforts of the forces opposed to the Emperor relaxed, so 
that he was able to proceed to the succour of his right. This 
encouraged the men. Cries of " Kill ! kill ! " were raised on every 
side, and many of the enemy were killed. A general attack was 
made on the enemy's centre, and then several chiefs, who had 
thought it expedient to support him, came over and joined 
the Emperor. Yictoiy declared in favour of the Emperor, 



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236 KEILFI KHAN. 

and when the glad news of Shoj&'s flight was broaght, shouts of 
congratulation and yictory arose, and the drums and trumpets 
sounded in triumph. 

The victors fell upon the camp of the enemy and thoroughly 
plundered it ; every man took what he could lay hands on ; but 
114 guns, 115 elephants, and much treasure, and many jewels, 
came into the possession of the Emperor. After descending from 
his elephant, and returning thanks to God for his victory, he 
praised his nobles for their exertions. Then he sent his son 
Muhammad Sult&n^ in pursuit of Shuj&', with directions to use 
every exertion to cut oflF his flight. ♦ * 

Fliffht of Ddrd Shukoh. 

[vol. ii. p. 60.] Intelligence was brought that D&r& Shukoh 
had arrived at Bhakkar in a wretched condition, with only three 
thousand horse. Want of porters, and the desertion of many of 
his adherents, compelled him to leave part of his treasure and 
baggage under charge of some of his servants at Bhakkar. Dense 
thorn-brakes, toilsome marches, and loss of porters, impeded his 
progress through the salt desert beside the river of Thatta ; this, 
with the loss of baggage, which fell into the hands of his pursuers, 
allowed him no rest. Through want of water, the hardships 
of the march, and various diseases, many of his men died or fell 
away from him. • Shaikh Mir, his pursuer, kept treading on his 
heels, and, after crossing the desert, he had not more than a 
thousand horsemen left. After arriving at Siwist&n he determined 
to proceed to Ahmad&b&d. 

The force of Shaikh Mir, the pursuer, also suffered greatly 
from want of water, and the long and rapid march. Loss of 
horses and porters, added to the other hardships, killed and 
scattered them. Most of those who remained had to march on 
foot. On these facts being reported. Shaikh Mir was ordered to 
return. 

^ ^ <* Ma*azzam Khfrn was sent with him.'*— '^OMi^-t Sdlih. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 237 

Surrender of AlldMbdd. 

[vol. ii. p. 61.] On the let Jum&da-l awwal Aunuogzeb pro- 
ceeded towards Agra, and at the second stage he received a 
despatch from Prince Muhammad Sult&ni reporting a second 
success over Shuj&'. Saiyid E&sim, commandant of the fortress 
of All&h&b&d, left a deputy in charge of the fortress, and accom- 
panied Shuj&^ to battle. After the defeat, E&sim Eh&n returned 
to the fortress, and busied himself in making it secure. When 
Shuj&' arrived, he made plausible excuses for not giving up the 
place. He went out with alacrity to meet the Prince, made 
promises of fidelity, and entertained him, after which he was dis- 
missed to his post. When Prince Muhammad Sult&u drew near, 
he wrote to him a repentant letter, professing his obedience, and 
sending to him the keys of the fortress. On hearing of this, 
Aurangzeb ordered Kh&n-daur&n to be placed in command of 
All&h&b&d, and K&sim Kh&n to be sent courteously to his 
presence. 

Edja Jasn>anU 

[vol. ii. p. 61.] Aurangzeb appointed Amir Kh&n and ♦ * 
with ten thousand horse to punish the traitor R&ja Jaswant. He 
also joined to this force B&i Singh K&thor, a nephew of B&ja 
Jaswant, who had a family feud wiili his uncle. This chief was 
honoured with the title of rdja and many presents. Hopes also 
were held out to him of a grant of Jodpur, his native country. 

Ddrd Shukok, 

[vol. ii. p. 62.] Directions were sent to Amir Kh&n, 
Governor of L&hore, that upon the return of Shaikh Mir from 
the pursuit of D&r&, he was to remove Prince Mur&d Bakhsh 
from Salim-garh, and send him under charge of Shaikh Mir to 
Gh?ydlior. 

On the 18th Jum&da-l awwal Aurangzeb reached Agra, and on 



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238 KHXFr KHAN. 

the 23rd he again set out. He now learnt that D&r& Shukoh 
had passed through Eachh to the borders of the province of 
Ahmad&b&d. He had collected round him three or four 
thousand horse. After the troops of Aurangzeb had given up 
the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely, endeavouring to gain 
over the faujddrs and zaminddra^ and to collect soldiers. By pre- 
sents of money and jewels he won over the Zambiddr of Kachh, 
and affianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr Shukoh. 
The zamindur sent him on with an escort through his territory 
towards Ahmad&bfid. Upon his arriving there, Shah Naw&z 
Ehfin, the siibaddr^ one of whose daughters was married to 
Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Mur&d Bakhsh, 
went out to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Eh&n diwdn^ and 
others. They presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold, 
silver, and other property belonging to Mur&d Bakhsh, which 
was in Ahmadabfid. Dkvi Shukoh then exerted himself in 
collecting money and men, and in winning adherents by presents 
of robes and jewels, and by promotions in rank and title. He 
appointed officers, who took possession of the ports of Surat, 
Kamb&yat, Broach, and the districts around. In the course 
of a month and seven days he collected 20,000 horse, and he 
sent requisitions to the governors of Bijfipur and Haidar&b&d 
for money and men. He also thought over several plans for 
going to the Dakhin, and for joining Rdja Jaswant Singh. ♦ ♦ 
On the 1st Jumdda-1 dkhir Dixh Shukoh began his march with 
a well-appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had 
obtained thirty or forty guns from Surat. As he pursued his 
march, he every day received false and delusive letters from 
Bdja Jaswant, befooling him with promises of coming to his 
assistance. 

When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he 
marched towards Ajmir. Mirz& ^ B&ja Jai Singh had interceded 
with him on behalf of B&ja Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences, 

^ The same title is given to him in the *Amal'i Sdlih, 



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MXTNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 239 

and wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his 
mansab^ and restoring to him his title of Mahdrdja. He at the 
same time directed the B&ja to write to him about the state of 
affairs, and send the letter by swift messengers. * * Muhammad 
Amin Khan, who had been commissioned to punish the Rija, 
was recalled. B&ja Jaswant, who had advanced twenty kos 
from Jodpur to meet D&r& Shukoh, on receiving the Emperor's 
letter, broke off his alliance with D&ra, and returned to his own 
country. 

This defection greatly troubled D&r&, who opened a corre- 
spondence with the B&ja, and endeavoured to win him over 
by promises and flattery, but without effect. When D&r& came 
to a place twenty kos distant from Jodp6r, he sent a Hindu 
named De Ohand to the R&ja; but he artirilly replied that he 
remained true to his engagement, but that it was not expedient 
for him to move just then. I)&r& Shukoh, he said, should go to 
Ajmir, and open communications with other R4jp6ts. If two or 
three B&jputs of note joined him, then he, the Rfija, would also 
come to his support. D&r& Shukoh, having no other course 
open, proceeded to Ajmir, and again sent De Ohand to Jaswant ; 
but all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and 
it was evident that all the B&ja's statements were &lse and 
treacherous. The fact of his haying received a letter of pardon 
from Aurangzeb was also publicly talked about. It has been 
said that "Necessity turns lions into foxes," and so D4rd 
Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of the R&ja's perfidy, 
sent Sipihr Shukoh to him ; but although the Prince flattered 
and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did not 
listen, and the Prince, like De Ohand, turned empty away. 

Deprived of all hope of assistance from B&ja Jaswant, D&r& 
Shukoh was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of 
the near approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight. But not 
deeming it expedient to fight a regular battle, he determined to 
retire into the hills about Ajmir, and to throw up lines of 
defence. Accordingly he moved into the defiles^ blocked up the 



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240 KHAFr EHiCN. 

roads with barriers of stone and earth, and stationed his guns 
and musketeers so as to make his position secure. * * He him- 
self took his station with the centre. * * Aurangzeb directed the 
commander of his artillery to advance his guns against Diri'a 
lines. * * For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but 
D&r&'s position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so 
that the assailants made no impression. D&r&'s forces indeed 
sallied out, and after causing considerable destruction of men 
and beasts, returned to their positions. The artillery practice of 
the assailants damaged only the defence works. On the fourth 
night Aurangzeb called around him some of his most trusty 
servants, and incited them by strong exhortations and promises 
to undertake an assault. * * Next day Aurangzeb sent B&ja 
B&jrup, Zaminddr of Jamun, with his infantry, against the rear 
of a hill, where an assault was not expected, and where the con- 
centration of forces was thought to render it impossible. * * 
But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the summit of 
the hill. * * The success at the beginning of the battle was due 
to B&ja Rfijrup; but at last the victory was owing to the devo- 
tion of Shaikh Mir, and the intrepidity of Diler Kh&n Afgh&n, 
who attacked the lines held by Sh&h Naw&z Kh&n. Pride and 
shame so worked upon Sh&h Naw&z, that he gave up all hope of 
surviving, and died fighting most courageously. 

D&tk Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the 
death of Sh&h Naw&z Eh&n, seeing also the approach of his 
victorious foes, lost all sense and self-control, and fled with 
Sipihr Shukoh, Firoz Mew&ti, and some of the inmates of 
his harem, in great consternation and sorrow. Of all his 
nobles none accompanied him but the two above named. He 
managed to save some jewels and money, and with some 
of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went 
off towards Ahmad&b&d. * * The fact of his flight was 
not known for certain until three hours after dark, and fighting 
went on in several parts of the lines until the flight of the 
enemy and the abandonment of the lines were ascertained. * * 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 241 

R&ja Jai Singh and Bah&dur were sent in command of a force 
in pursuit of D&r& Shukob. * * Aurangzeb made a short stay at 
Ajmir, and started from thence for the capital on the 4th Bajab, 
1069. 

Prince Shujd\ 

[vol. ii. p. 75.] Prince Shujd' fled before the pursuing force 
of Prince Muhammad Sult&n to Jah&ngir-uagar (Dacca), and 
Mu'^azzam Eh&n obtained possession of the fort of Mongir. * * 
Shortly afterwards the fort of Ghun&r, which Shuj&' had got 
into his power, was given up to Aurangzeb. 

Second Tear of the Beion (1659 a.d.). 

[vol. ii. p. 77.] The second year of the reign commenced on 
the 4th Ramazin, 1069 a.h. * * The Emperor's name and 
titles were proclaimed in the pulpit as *^ Abu-1 Muzaffar Muhiu-d 
din Muhammad Aurangzeb Bah&dur '^amgir B&dshah-i Oh&zi.'" 
In former reigns one side of the coins had been adorned with the 
words of the creed and the names of the first four Khalifs ; but 
as coins pass into many unworthy places, and fall under the feet 
of infidels, it was ordered that this superscription should be 
changed [for certain coupkts containing the Emperor* 8 namel. 

[vol. ii. p. 79.] Since the reign of the Emperor Akbar the 
official year of account and the years of the reign had been 
reckoned from the 1st Farwardi, when the Sun enters Aries, to 
the end of Isfandiy&r, and the year and its months were called 
Il&hi ; but as this resembled the system of the fire-worshippers, 
the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding Muhammadan rule, directed 
that the year of the reign should be reckoned by the Arab lunar 
year and months, and that in the revenue accounts also the lunar 
year should be preferred to the solar. The festival of the (solar) 
new year was entirely abolished. Mathematicians, astronomers, 
and men who have studied history, know that • * the recurrence 
of the four seasons, summer, winter, the rainy season of Hindu- 
voL. m. 16 



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242 EHAFr KHAN. 

stin, the autumn and spring harvests, the ripening of the com and 
fruit of each season, the tankhwdh of the jdgirSy and the money 
of the mamabdars^ are all dependent upon the solar reckoning, 
and cannot be regulated by the lunar ; still his religious Majesty 
was unwilling that the nauroz and the year and months of the 
Magi should gives their names to the anniversary of his ac- 
cession. 

Ddrd Shukoh. 

[vol. ii. p. 80.] The sad circumstances of the remainder of 
D&r& Shukoh's career must now be related. On leaving the 
mountains of Ajmir, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some 
jewels, a little money, and a few domestic servants, towards 
Ahmad&b&d. The rest of his treasure, goods, and necessary 
baggage, with some female servants, borne by twelve elephants 
and horses, he left behind in charge of servants, some of them 
old, some new, in the company and under the superintendence of 
some trusty eunuchs, with orders to follow as quickly as possible. 
When this party had marched four or five kos^ all the servants^ 
began to plunder the property, and struggling and fighting with 
each other, every man seized what he could lay hands on. The 
baggage was taken from the backs of the elephants and placed on 
camels, and the women were stripped of their jewels and taken 
off the camels to be mounted on the elephants ; then the plun- 
derers, with camels and horses laden with money and articles of 
great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were unable 
to prevent the proceedings of their escort. In great distress, and 
in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent 
upon preserving their own honour and that of their master ; so 
they led off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night 
the track of D&r& through the desert, after a night and a day 
they overtook him. 

That forlorn ftigitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and 

> The text says simply '< all/' bnt it is dear from the context that this means the 
servants. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LXTBAB. 243 

despoiled by plunderers, wandered on throagh the desert. In 
eight days' time he approaohed Ahmad&b&d. But the officials 
of the city ♦ ♦ proclaimed Aurangzeb, and took measures to 
prevent D&r4 from entering. The fugitive perceived that ill- 
fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up all hope of 
getting possession of the city, and went to Kari» two kos from 
Ahmadfib&d. There he sought assistance from E&nji Eoli, 
one of the most notorious, rebels and robbers of that country. 
E&nji joined him, and conducted him through Gujar&t to the 
confines of Eachh. Here he was joined by Qui Muhammad, 
whom he had made governor of Surat and Broach, and who 
brought with him fifty horse and two hundred matchlockmen. 
The zanUnddr of Eachh, when D&r& lately passed through 
the country, entertained him, treated him with every respect, 
and affianced a daughter in marriage to his son, all in expecta- 
tion of future advantage. Dfird, in his distress, now looked 
to him for assistance ; but he heeded not, and did not even show 
the courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless 
efibrts to soften the zaminddr^ D&r&, with tearftil eyes and 
burning heart, resolved to proceed to Bhakkar. 

On reaching the frontier <^ Sind, Firoz Mew&ti, who had 
hitherto accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his 
evil fate still clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive, 
and went off to Dehli. Dfiri, in a bewildered condition, pro- 
ceeded towards the country of J&wiy&n;^ but the dwellers in 
the deserts of that country closed the roads with the intention 
of making him prisoner. With some fighting and trouble he 
escaped from these people, and made his way into the country 
of the Makashis. Mirz& Makashi, the chief of the tribe, came 
forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and en- 
tertained him. After this he proposed to send him towards Tran, 
under an escort which was to conduct him to Eandah&r, twelve 
marches distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the 
adoption of this course. But Dirk could not give up his futile 

' **GTOsied the Indus, and proceeded to the country of Ch&nd Eh&n (or J&ndb&n).'* — 
'A'hmpir-ndma^'g.^n, The name J&wiy&n is confirmed by both MSS. of Kh&flKh&n. 



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244 KHAPr KHAN. 

hopes of recovering his throne and crown, and resolved to go 
to Malik Jiwan, zaminddr of Dhindar,^ who had long been 
bound to him by acts of generosity, and sent to assure him of 
his devotion and fidelity. 

When Dar& reached the land of this evil zaminddr^ Malik 
Jiwan came out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a 
guest-murdering host he conducted Dar& home, and exerted 
himself to entertain him. During the two or three days that 
Dard remained here, his wife, N&dira Begam, daughter of 
Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation. Mountain after moun- 
tain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of D&r&, grief was 
added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer 
retained its equilibrium. Without considering the consequences, 
he sent her corpse to L&hore in charge of Gul Muhammad, to be 
buried there.^ He thus parted from one who had been &ithful 
to him through his darkest troubles. He himself remained, 
attended only by a few domestic servants and useless eunuchs. 

After performing the ceremonies of mourning, D&r4 deter- 
mined to set out the next morning under the escort of Malik 
Jiwan for Trdn, by way. of Kandah&r. Jiwan apparently was 
ready to accompany him to tr&n ; but he had inwardly re- 
solved to forward his own interests by trampling under foot all 
claims of gratitude,^ and of making the wretched fugitive pri- 
soner. So he formed his plan. He accompanied his guest for 
some Jcos, Then he represented that it was necessary for him 
to return, in order to procure eome further provisions for the 
journey, which he would collect, and would overtake D&rk after 
two or three days' march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his 
brother with a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country 

^ Elphinstone has mistaken the name of the man for that of his country. He calls 
him '* the chief of Jdn on the eastern frontier of Sind/' The *A'lamjt^-n6ma calls 
him ** Malik Jfwan Ayytih^ an Afgh&n/* and the name of his estate is given as 
*' D&dar " or *' Dh&dhar. In the 'Amal-i Sdlih it is << Dh&war." It is probahly 
Dadar in Kachh Grand&va. 

3 (( The deceased had left a will desiring to he buried in Hind(ist&n." — *A'iamgir- 
fidma. 

9 The *Amal-i Sdlih says that " the zaminddr Jiwan was bound in gratitude to 
Bktd by many kindnesses and favours." 



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MTJNTAKHABF-L LUBAB. 245 

to attend D&rL This man suddenly fell upon his victim uid 
made him prisoner, without giving him a chance of resistance. 
Then he carried him back with Sipihr Shukoh and his companions 
to the perfidious host, and kept him under guard in the place ap- 
pointed. Malik Jiwan wrote an account of this good service to 
B&ja Jai Singh and Bah&dur Kh&n, who had been sent from 
Ajmir in pursuit of D&r&, and he also wrote to B&kir Eh&n, 
governor of Bhakkar. B&kir Khin instantly sent off Malik 
Jiwan's letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of B&kir 
Kh&n''s despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his 
private councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival 
of a letter from Bah&dur Khan confirming the news. At the end 
of the month of Shawwal it was published by beat of drum. The 
public voice spoke with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik 
Jiwan ; but a robe and a mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were 
conferred upon him. 

It was now ascertained that Sulaim&n Shukoh had sought 
refuge with the zaminddr of Srinagar. B&ja Rajrup was there- 
fore directed to write to the zaminddr^ and advise him to consult 
his own interest and bring Sulaim&n out of his territory ; if not, 
he must suffer the consequences of the royal anger.^ 

In the middle of Zi-1 hijja, Bah&dur Kh&u brought D&r& Shukoh 
and hi» son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that 
both father and son should be carried into the city chained and 
seated on an elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in 
the Chdndni chauk and the hdzdr^ after which they were to be 
carried to Khizrab&d in old Dehll, and there confined. Bah&dur 
Kh&n, after giving up his prisoner, received great rewards and 
marks of favour. 

Two days afterwards Malik Jiwan^ who had received the title 
of Bakhtiy&r Kh&n, entered the city, and was passing through 
the streets of the hdzdr. The idlers, the partisans of D&r& 
Shukoh, the workmen and people of all sorts, inciting each 

^ The '^mo^i Sdlih is more explicit, and says that Sulaim&n was to be sent to 
Aurangzeb. 



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246 KEJLFT KHAN. 

other, gathered into a mob, and, assailiug J^iwan and his com- 
panions with abuse and imprecations, they pelted them with dirt 
and filth, and clods and stones, so that several persons were 
knocked down and killed, and many were wounded. Jiwan was 
protected by shields held over his head, and he at length made 
his way through the crowd to the palace. They say that the 
disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on re- 
bellion. If the kofwdl had not come forward with his policemen, 
not one of Malik Jiwan's followers would have escaped with 
life. Ashes and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down 
from the roofs of the houses upon the heads of the Afgh&ns, and 
many of the bystanders were injured. Next day the kottcdl 
made an investigation, and it was ascertained that an ahadi 
(guardsman) named Haibat had taken a leading part in the 
disturbance. He was condemned by a legal decision, and was 
executed. 

At the end of Zi-1 hijja, 1069* (Sept. 1659), the order was 
given for Dkri Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion 
of the lawyers, because he had apostatized from the law, had 
vilified religion, and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. 
After he was slain, his body was placed on a howda and carried 
round the city.^ So once alive and once dead he was exposed to 
the eyes of all men, and many wept over his fikte. He was 
buried in the tomb of Hum&ytin. Sipihr Shukoh was ordered 
to be imprisoned in the fortress of 6w&lior. 

Remission of Taxes. 
[vol. iL p. 87.] The movements of large armies through the 
country, especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the 
two years past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined 
to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their 
distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of the 

^ «0n the 26th day.'*— '^imO-f Sdlih, 

* The *A'lamglr'ndma says nought ahout the legal opinion, or the exposure of the 
corpse. It simply states that Aurangzeh gave the order for the execution, and that 
it was promptly carried out by certain officers, whose names are given. 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 247 

rdkddri (toll) which was collected on every highway (guzar)^ 
frontier and ferry, and brought in a large sum to the revenue. 
He also remitted the pdndari^ a ground or house ceds, which was 
paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every tradesman and 
dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the greengrocer, to the 
draper, jeweller, and banker. Something was paid to the govern- 
ment according to rule under this name for every bit of ground 
in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue 
thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and 
unlawful, as the aarshumdriy buz-shumdrl,^ har-gadiy^ the chardi 
(grazing tax) of the Bat^fdras^ the tuloc^dna^ the collections 
from the fairs held at the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and 
at the jdJtrM or fairs of the infidels, held near Hindu temples, 
throughout the country far and wide, where lacs of people 
assemble once a year, and where buying and selling of all kinds 
goes on. The tax on spirits, on gambling*houses, on brothels, 
the fines, thank-offerings, and the fourth part of debts recovered 
by the help of magistrates from creditors. These and other 
imposts, nearly eighty in number, which brought in hrors of 
rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished throughout 
Hindust&n. Besides these, the tithe of com,^ which lawfully 
brought in twenty-five Uuis of rupees, was remitted in order to 
alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions, 
stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the 
provinces by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadi). 

But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted 
these taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, 
the avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the 
exception of the pdndari^ which, being mostly obtained from the 
capital and the chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the 

' A tax on goats. The printed text has " barshumdrif* but the MSS. agree in 

writing buz, 
* This does not appear in either two of the MSS. referred to. * 

^ *< Chardi hatydra wa tuwa*dna wa hdsil i ayy&m^* etc. The tuvm dna ought 

etjmologlcally to mean some yoluntary contribution. 



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248 KHAFf KHAN. 

royal prohibition had no effect, and faujddr% and jdgirddrs in 
remote places did not withhold their hands from these exactions. 
Firstly, because throughout the Imperial dominions in the reign 
of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of punishment remained in the 
hearts of the jdgirddrSy faujddra^ and zaminddrs. Secondly, 
because the revenue officers, through inattention, or want of 
consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary to what was 
intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the tankhwdh 
accounts of the jdgirddrs. So the jdgirddrs^ under the pretext 
that the amount of the cesses was entered in their tankhwdh 
papers, continued to collect the rdhddri and many other of the 
abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports 
reached the government of infi*actions of these orders, (the 
offenders) were punished with a diminution of mansab^ and the 
delegation of mace-bearers to their districts. The mace-bearers 
forbad the collection of the imposts for a few days, and then 
retired. After a while, the offenders, through their patrons or 
the management of their agents, got their mansab restored to its 
original amount. So the regulation for the abolition of most of 
the imposts had no effect. 

The rdhddri in particular is condemned by righteous and 
just men as a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to 
travellers, but a large sum is raised by it. In most parts of 
the Imperial territories the faujddrs and jdgirddra, by force and 
tyranny, now exact more than ever from the traders and poor 
and necessitous travellers. The zaminddrs also, seeing that no 
inquiries are made, extort more on roads within their bound- 
aries than is collected on roads under royal officers. By degrees 
matters have come to such a pass, that between the time of 
leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination, goods 
and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls. Through 
the villainy and oppression of the toll-collectors and the zamin* 
ddi^8, the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of 
travellers and peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The 
Mahrattas, those turbulent people of the Dakhin (before the 



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MUNTAKHABF-L LUBiTB. 249 

peace and after the peace which I shall have to write about in 
the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other zaminddrs upon the 
frontier, have carried their violence and oppression in the matter 
of the rdhddri to such extremes as are beyond description. 



The War with ShujcH .—Defecixon of Prince Muhammad Sultdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 90.] Prince Muhammad Sultan, with Mu'azzam 
£h&n as his adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujd' 
until he reached Dacca, where Shujd'* busied himself in collecting 
munitions of war, men and artillery. The command of the Im- 
perial army and the appointment of the amkri rested in a great 
degree with . Mu'azzam Kh&n. This was a great annoyance to 
the Prince, and Shuj&\ having got information of this, conceived 
the idea of winning the Prince over to his side. So he opened 
communications with the Prince, and by letters and presents, 
and the arts which gain the feelings of young, inexperienced 
men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to his 
father, and brought him over to his own side. Soon he offered 
the Prince his daughter in marriage, * * and at length the 
Prince was so deluded as to resolve upon joining Shujd'. 
Towards the end of the month Ramaz&n, at the beginning of 
the third year of the reign, he sent a message to Shuj&\ inform- 
ing him of his intention, and in the night he embarked vfn a 
boat on the Ganges with Amir Ktili, the commander of the 
artillery, K&sim 'Ali l/Rr-iuzak^ who were the prime movers 
in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic servants, 
taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could. When 
Shuj&' heard of this step, he referred it to the favour of God, 
and sent his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters 
to conduct the Prince with his treasure and baggage over the 
river. 

After the Prince had crossed over, and Shuj&'s men were 
busy in carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact 



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250 KHAFr KHAK. 

of his evasion became known, and was communicated to 
Mu'azzam Kh&n. The desertion caused great uneasiness in 
the Imperial army, * * and Mu*azzam Elh&n himself was much 
annoyed and troubled, but he would not allow this to be seen. 
He mounted his horse, inspected the lines, encouraged the 
troops, and did all he could to counteract the effects of this 
untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, ♦ * so, for 
the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty koa from Akbar- 
nagar, to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains. * * 

Shuj&' passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked 
Mu'azzam unawares ; and although the Imperial forces made a 
splendid resistance, some of their all]^s were indifferent or dis- 
affected, so they were overpowered and compelled to retreat. 
Mu'^azzam Eh&n brought up some forces from his centre, and 
encouraging the waverers, he renewed the resistance^ and charged. 
Two or three of Shuj&'s chief amira were killed or wounded, 
and his attack was eventually repulsed. There were several 
other conflicts with similar results, until the rains and the rising 
of the river put an end to all fighting. * * Muhammad Sult&n 
married Shuj&'s daughter, and it was announced that after 
spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the 
attack on the Imperial army would be renewed. * * Mu'azzam 
Kh&n received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains, 
and it would be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful 
movements. Suffice it to say that in the course of fifteen to 
twenty days there were some sharp conflicts, in which Shujd' 
was defeated, and eventually put to flight, and escaped in the 
war-boats, by means of which he had been enabled to make 
his attacks on the army of Mu'azzam. * * Many of the war- 
boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were 
captured. ♦ * Several actions were fought near the streams, 
and also between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity 
of T&nda, in which many men were killed and wounded. 

When Aurangzeb received the intelligence of Muhammad 
Sult&n's going over to Shuj&', and of Mu'azzam Kh&n's obstinate 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 261 

fighting, he thought it prudent and necessary to go himself to 
the seat of war, and on the 5th Babi'^u-l awwal he set out for the 
East. * * About the middle of Babi'u-s s&ni intelligence 
arrived that Prince Muhammad Sult&n had left Shuj&', and had 
again joined Mu^azzam Kh&n. The Prince repented of the step 
he had taken, * * and communicated to one of the commanders 
in the royal army that he desired to return. ♦ ♦ He escaped with 
some of his servants and jewels and money on board of four 
b6ats, but he was pursued by the boats of Shujd'. • * The 
boats were fired upon, and one was sunk, but the Prince escaped. 
His return gave great joy to Mu'azzam B3i&n, who reported the 
fact to the Emperor, under whose orders he was sent to Court ^ 
[and Ms associaies to prison]. 

When the Prince returned to his fether's army, Shujd' medi- 
tated flight, but still some hard fighting went on. At length 
Shuj&' despaired of success, and retired leaving Bengal to the 
occupation of Mu'azzam Kh&n. 

SAdk JaMn, 

[vol. ii. p. 101.] Many letters passed between the Emperor 
Sh&h Jah&n and Aurangzeb, full of complaints and reproaches 
on one side, and of irritating excuses on the other. There is 
no advantage to be gained from recording thisi correspondence, 
and the copies of the Emperor's letters are not in the author's 
possession; but two or three' letters which Aurangzeb wrote to 
his father are here reproduced verbatim, and the contents of 
Sh&h Jah&n's letters may be inferred from them. 

[p. 104.] The third letter is in answer to one written by 
Sh&h Jahfin to Aurangzeb, pardoning his offences, and sending 
some jewels and clothes, belonging to Dar4 Shukoh, which had 
been left in his palace. 

^ The 'Amal-i Sdlih Bays that the Prince was confined in the fort of Mir-garh, or 
in SaUm-garh according to the ^Alamgir^wlma, 
^ Three are giyen, hut the last one only has heen translated. 



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252 KEKFT KEAN, 

"After discharging the obsenrances of religion, it is repre- 
sented to your most august presence. The gracious letter which 
you sent in answer to the humble statement of your servant ^ 
conferred great honour upon him at a most auspicious time. 
The glad tidings of the pardon of his faults and sins has filled 
him with joy and gladness. Through the gracious kindness of 
his fault-forgiying and excuse-accepting father and master, he is 
filled with hope. Thanks be to God that Your Highness, listen- 
ing to the suggestions of equity and merit, has preferred mercy 
to revenge, and has rescued this wicked and disgraced sinner 
from the abyss of sorrow and misery in both worlds ! His firm 
hope in the mercy of God is that in future no unworthy action 
will proceed firom this humble servant ! God, who knows the 
secrets of the hearts, who, according to the belief of the &ithiul 
and the infidel, and according to all religions and faiths, takes 
note of lies and falsehoods, He knows that this servant is not 
and has never been acting in opposition to the will and pleasure 
of his august father, as evil-judging men have supposed, but that 
he has considered himself the deputy of his father, and continues 
firm in this important service and duty ! But the due ordering 
of the affairs of the State and of the Faith, and the comfort of 
the people, are impossible under the rule of one who acts as a 
deputy. So, unwillingly, for the safety of the State and the good 
of the people, he is acting, for a few days, in the way which his 
heart disapproves. God knows how many regrets he has felt in 
this course of action ! Please God, the moment that peace shall 
dawn upon the country, and the clouds of strife shall be dispelled, 
all Your Majesty^s wishes shall be gratified to your hearths desire ! 
This humble one has devoted the best part of his life entirely 
to performing good service and rendering satisfaction (to God) ; 
how then can he be satisfied that, for the fleeting trifles of the 
world, the august days of Your Majesty, to whose happiness the 
life and wealth of your children are devoted, should be passed in 
discomfort, and that the people of your palace should be separated 
' He calls hiauelf muritf, "disciple;*' and his fathor tnurthidf "spiritual teacher." 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LFBAB. . 253 

from you ! Shuj&', not knowing the value of safety, came to AU&h- 
&b&d with evil intentions, and stirred up strife. Your Majesty's 
humble servant, though he feels somewhat at ease as regards his 
elder brother, has not given up all thought of him ; but, placing 
his trust in G-od, and hoping for the help of the true giver of 
victory, he marched against him on the 17th instant. He is 
hopefiil that, under the guidance of God and the help of the 
Prophet, and the good wishes of his old paternal protector,^ he 
will soon foe free of this business, and do nothing to hurt the 
feelings of Your Majesty. It is clear to Your Majesty that God 
Almighty bestows his trusts upon one who discharges the duty 
of cherishing his subjects and protecting the people. It is mani- 
fest and tslear to wise men that a wolf is not fit for a shepherd, 
and that no poor-spirited man can perform the great duty of 
governing. Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not 
self-indulgence and libertinism. The Almighty will deliver your 
humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards Your 
Majesty. Your servant, after acknowledging your pardon of his 
fiiults and offences, and the present of the jewels of D&r& Shukoh, 
returns his thanks for your kindness and forgiveness.^^ 

The author heard from a trustworthy person, who was formerly 
superintendent of the jewel-house, that Dar& Shukoh left jewels 
and pearls worth 27 lacs of rupees, belonging to the inmates of 
his harem, in the jewel-room inside the palace, with the 
cognizance of the Emperor. After his defeat he found no 
opportunity of removing them. Sh&h Jah&n, after much con- 
tention, perquisition and demanding, sent them to Aurangzeb, 
with the letter of forgiveness which nolens volens he had written. 

Thikd Year op the Eeign, 1070 (a.h-, 1660 a.d.). 
Disappearance of Prince Shujd*. 

[vol. ii. p. 107.] The third year of the reign began on the 
24th Bamaz&n. * * Despatches about this time arrived from 

^ ** DaHgir^* the word used, ueqaivocal, it means both "patron " and ''prisoner.'' 



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254 KRKFX KRKN. 

Mu'azzam Kb&n, reporting his successire victories and the flight 
of Shuj&^ to the country of Bakhang (Arracan), leaving Bengal 
undefended. It appeared that there had been several actions in 
which Shuj&' was invariably defeated, and that after the last, he 
loaded two boats with his. personal effects, vessels of gold and 
silver, jewels, treasure and other appendages of royalty. * * 
Hb son had been in correspondence with the B&ja of Bakhang, 
(Arracan), * * and when Shuj&' saw that he had no ally or 
friend anywhere left, and that those whom he had deemed feithftil 
had deserted him, he conceived the idea of occupying one of the 
fortresses on the frontiers of the B&ja of Bakhang, and addressed 
the B&ja on the subject. * * But he was unable to carry his 
design into execution, and at length, in the greatest wretchedness 
and distress, he fell into the clutches of the treacherous infidel 
ruler of that country, and according to common rumour he was 
killed, so that no one ascertained what became of him.^ 



Beginning of the troubks icUh SivqjL^ 

[vol. ii. p. 110.] I now relate what I have heard from trusty 
men of the Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin 
and race of the reprobate Sivajf. His ancestors owe their origin 
to the line of the B4n&s of Ghitor. In the tribe of the B&jputs, 
and among all Hindus, it is the settled opinion, that to have a 
son by a woman of a different caste, or to beget one upon a slave- 
^rl {Jcaniz\ is wrong and censurable. But if in youth, when 
the passions are strong, a man should have a son by a strange 
woman, he should take him into his house and have him brought 

1 In the 'Affud-i Sdlih it ib eaid, "When Sh&h Shiij&' was informed of [Snltfcn 
Mohammad's evadon] he lost heart, and with some of his Eh&ns and with forty or 
fifty faithful servants, he embarked in a boat and proceeded to Makka {'^) . From 
that time to the present year, 1081 a.h., no one knows whether he is alive or dead.*' 
Makka is Mecca, and this was probably what the copyists understood, but it is more 
likely that the word used by the author had reference to the <* Mughs " or inhabitanta 
of Arracan. 

* His name is written v^^Jm^^. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 265 

up among his confidential handmaids and slaves. But nothing 
descends to such a son on the death (of the father). Eyen if the 
mother of the child is of a better stock than the &ther, she cannot 
marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If^ through love, a 
man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the child is 
looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a bastard, 
and can only marry with one like himself. If a woman of the 
merchant caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than 
herself, or the daughter of a Brahman consorts with a Ehatri, 
every child that is bom is looked upon as a slave (kanlz o 
ffkuldm). 

It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivaji, from whom he 
received the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the B&n&. 
He formed a connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and, 
according to the custom of his tribe, he took the woman to him- 
self without marriage. She bore him a son. Reflecting upon 
this disgrace to himself and tribe, he kept the child concealed in 
the hills in that position of life which he had determined for him. 
There he secretly brought him up. He was very devoted to the 
woman ; so that, although his iather and mother wished him to 
marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not consent. When 
the cup of his affection ran over, and the &ct of this maintenance 
of his child was the common talk of friends and strangers, he 
secretly took the boy from the place where he had concealed him, 
and carried him off along with his mother to the Dakhin. Al- 
though he fidsely gave out that his son was by a woman of his 
own tribe, no B&jpiit of pure race would allow of any matri- 
monial connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the 
lad to a girl of the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to 
an obscure class of B&jpdts. From this good stock, in the 
seventh or eighth generation, was born S&hu Bhoslah. The 
origin of the name Bhoslah, according to the commonly-received 
opinion, is from the Hinduwi word "^Ao«M," meaning " place,^^ 
or a very small and narrow place ; and as that man was brought 
> The oommonly-rooeiTed meaning if ^'bird's-nest" 



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256 KHAFr KHAN. 

up in such a place, he received the name of Bhoslah. But I 
have heard a different explanation. 

After the dominions of the Niz4mu-1 Mulk dynasty had 
passed into the possession of Sh&h Jah&n, and that Emperor had 
entered into friendly relations with 'Adil Eh&n of Bij&pur, the 
latter proposed to exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood 
of Ehujista-buny&d (Aurang&bdd), and belonging to Bij&pur, for 
the ports of Jiwal, B&bal Danda Rajpuri, and Ghdkna ^ in the 
Kokan, which had formerly appertained to Niz4mu-1 Mulk, but 
had been taken possession of by 'Adil Sh&h, as being in proxi- 
mity with his territory in the Konkan known by the name of 
Tal Eokan. These districts consisted of jungles and hills full 
of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans were 
included in the territory of '^dil Kh&n of Bijdpur. * * 

Mull4 Ahmad, an adherent of the Bij&pur dynasty, who was 
descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this 
country. * * At this time tv^o parganas^ named Puna and Supa^ 
became the jdgir of S&hu Bhoslah. Sivaji became the manager 
of these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked care- 
fiilly after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage 
and intelligence ; and for crafl; and trickery he was reckoned a 
sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud. In that country, 
where all the hills rise to the sky, and the jungles are full of 
trees and bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like the zamin- 
ddra of the country, he set about erecting forts on the hills, and 
mud forts, which in the Hinduwi dialect of the Dakhin are called 
garhi. 

^^dil Kh4n of Bij&pdr was attacked by sickness, under which 
he suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his terri- 
tory. At this time Mull& Ahmad went with his followers to wait 
upon the Emperor Sh&h Jah&n, and Sivaji, seeing his country 

^ Danda and B&jpCiri are close together, near Jinjira. Jfwal and B&bal (or 
F&bal) are said in a subsequent passage to be " on the coast near Snraf Ch&kna, Ja t^^o^^ 
a place frequently mentioned, is not a port, but lies a little north of Ptina. ^See an / 
account of Ch&kna in Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas, toI. i. p. 61. ^ 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 257 

left without a ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it, 
\nth the possessions of some oiher jdgirddrs. This was the be- 
ginning of that system of violence which he and his descendants 
have spread over the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of 
the Dakhin. Whenever he heard of a prosperous town, or of 
a district inhabited by thriving cultivators, he plundered it and 
took possession of it. Before the jdgirddrs in those troublous 
times could appeal to Bij&pur, he had sent in his own account of 
the matter, with presents and oflFerings, charging the jdgirddra or 
proprietors -with some offence which he had felt called upon to 
punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount for the lands 
on their being attached to his own jdgir, or to pay their revenues 
direct to the Government. He communicated these matters to 
the officials at Bij&pur, who in those disturbed times took little 
heed of what any one did. So when the jdgirddr's complaint 
arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one took any notice 
of it. The country of the Dakhin was never free from com- 
motions and outbreaks, and so the officials, the rait/atSy and 
the soldiery, under the influence of surrounding circumstances, 
were greedy, stupid,' and frivolous ; thus they applied the axe 
to their feet with their own hands, and threw their wealth and 
property to the winds. The greed of the officials increased, 
especially in those days when the authority of the rulers was 
interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with 
the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that 
country fell into his hands, and he at length became the most 
notorious of all the rebels. 

He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plun- 
derers, and set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he 
reduced was that of Ghandan.^ After that he got possession of 
some other fortresses which were short of supplies, or were in 
charge of weak and inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell 
upon the kingdom of Bij&pur in the time of Sikandar 'Ali 'Adil 

^ AIbo called Chandan-mandan. See Grant DufE (yoI. i. p. 130), who says that 
Torna was the first fort he obtained. 

TOL. VII. 17 



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258 ■ KHAFr KHAN. 

Eh&n the Second, whose legitimacy was questioned, and who 
ruled when a minor as the locum tenens of his father. The 
operations of Aurangzeb against that country when he was a 
prince in the reign of his &ther, brought great evil upon the 
country, and other troubles also arose. Siyaji day by day 
increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country, 
so that in course of time he became a man of power and means. 
He had drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of 
Hind and of Bij&pur, and, protected by mountains and jungles 
full of trees, he ravaged and plundered in all directions far imd 
wide. The inaccessible forts of B&jgarh ^ and Gh&kna were his 
abodes, and he had secured several islands in the sea by means 
of a fleet which he had formed. He built several forts also in 
those parts, so that altogether he had forty forts, all of which 
were well supplied with provisions and munitions of war. 
Boldly raising his standard of rebellion, he became the most 
noted rebel of the Dakhin. 

Sivaji murders Afzal Khdn SydpAri. 

When Sikandar ^Ali 'Adil Khan came to years of discretion, 
and took the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to 
Sivaji, but without effect. He then sent Afzal Kh&n with a 
large army to chastise the rebel. Afzal Khan was one of ^jLdil 
Kh&n^s most distinguished and courageous officers, and he pressed 
Sivaji hard. The truculent rebel, knowing that he could gain 
nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent some of his .people to 
express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness of his offences. 
After some negociation, the deceitful brdhmans made an agreement 
that Sivaji should come to wait upon Afzal Kh&n at a certain 
place under his fortress with only three or four servants and 
entirely without arms. Afzal Kh&n likewise was to proceed 
in a pdlkiy with four or five servants, and without arms, to the 
place agreed upon under the fort. After Sivaji had paid his 
1 About twenty miles soath-west of Piina. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 259 

respects, and verbal agreements had been made, he was to receive 
a khiVat and then be dismissed. When Afeal Kh4n had taken 
the proffered tribute and peshkash^ Sivaji was to entertain him, 
and speed him on his way back to Bij&pdr, or rather he would 
attend him thither in person upon an assurance of reconciliation. 

The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits 
of the Country, and by his humbleness and submission, concili- 
ated Afzal Kh&n, who fell into the snare, believing all his &lse 
deceiving statements, and observing none of that caution which 
the wise commend. Without arms he mounted the pdlki^ and 
proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left 
all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot. Then 
the deceiver came down on foot from the fort, and made his 
appearance with manifestations of humility and despair. Upon 
reaching the foot of the hill, after every three or four steps, he 
made a confession of his offences, and begged forgiveness in 
abject terms and with limbs trembling and crouching. He 
begged that the armed men and the servants who had ac- 
companied Afzal Khan s litter should move farther off. Sivaji 
had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichiid,^ 
on the fingers of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it 
could not be seen. He had concealed a number of armed men 
among the trees and rocks all about the hill, and he had placed 
a trumpeter on the steps, to whom he said, '^I intend to kill 
my enemy with this murderous weapon ; the moment you see me 
strike, do not think about me, but blow your trumpet and give 
the signal to my soldiers." Ho had given orders to his troops 
also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet, they 
should rush out and fall upon the men of Aizal Kh&n, and do 
their best to attain success. 

Afzal Kh&n, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar 
to that place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivaji 
approach unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon 

1 The primary meaning of this word is *^ a scorpion." The weapon is also called 
wdff'ttakhy *^ tiger's claws." Grant Duff gives a drawing of one. 



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260 KHAPr KHAN. 

his person and spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men 
>Yho had accompanied his litter to withdraw to a distance. The 
treacherous foe then approached and threw himself weeping at 
the feet of Afzal Xh&n, who raised his head^ and was about to 
place the hand of kindness on his back and embrace him. Sivaji 
then struck the concealed weapon so fiercely into his stomach that 
he died without a groan. According to his orders, the trumpeter 
blew a blast of triumph to arouse the concealed troops. Men on 
horse and foot then rushed forth in great numbers on all sides, 
and fell upon the army of Afzal Kh&n, killing, plundering, and 
destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in safety 
and joined his own men, whom he ordered to ofier quarter to the 
defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses, elephants, 
treasure, -and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to take 
the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as 
usual, he went on collecting stores and men. 

'^dil Khan of Bij&pur, on hearing of this defeat, sent another 
army against Sivaji, under the command of Bustam Kh&n^ one of 
his best generals. An action was fought near the fort of Fam&la, 
and Bustam Kh&n was defeated. In fine. Fortune so favoured this 
treacherous worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew 
more powerfiil every day. He erected new forts, and employed 
himself in settling his own territories, and in plundering those of 
Bij&pur. He attacked the caravans which came from distant 
parts, and appropriated to himself the goods and the women. But 
he made it a rule that wherever his followers went plundering, 
they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the 
women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Kur&n came 
into his hands, he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of 
his Musulmdn followers. When the women of any Hindti or 
Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they had no 
friend to protect them, he watched over them until their relations 
came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever he 
found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as 
being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself. 



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MUin^AXHABU-L LUBAB. 261 

He laid down the rale that wheneyer a place was plundered, the 
goods of poor people, puUsiydh (copper money), and vessels of 
brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them ; but 
other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable 
stuffs and jewels, were not to belong to the finder, but were to be 
given up without the smallest deduction to the officers, and to be 
by them paid over to Sivaji's government. 



March of Amiru-l umard^ ta punish Siwyi. 

[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivaji's 
violence, he directed Amiru-l umard who was SUhoMr of the 
Dakhin, to punish and put him down. Amiru-l umard marched, 
in accordance with these orders, from Aurangab&d at the end 
of Jum&da-l awwal, 1070 (end of January, 1660 a.d.), and 
marched towards Puna and Gh&kna, which in those days were 
SivajI's places of abode and security. He left Mumt&z Ehdn 
in command at Aurangab&d, and on the 1st Kajab arrived at 
the village of Seogdnw, belonging to Sivajl. At this time 
Sivaji was at the town of Supa,* but upon hearing of Amiru-l 
umard*% movements, he vacated that place, and went off in 
another direction. Amiru-l umard took Supa without opposi- 
tion, and left Jadu B&i there to take charge of it, and to pro- 
vide supplies of com for the army. The daring freebooter Sivaji 
ordered his followers to attack and plunder the baggage*'' of 
AmirU'l umard' a army wherever they met with it. When the 
Amir yvas informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under 
experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and 
in every march, Sivaji'^s Dakhinis swarmed round the baggage, 
and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, 
camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became 
aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces 

1 SbfrTista Eb&n. 

' Abont forty miles sontb-east of P6na. 

* Kahi, ** forage, provisions." 



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262 KHAPr KHAN. 

pursued them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and 
giving up fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they 
reached Puna and Siv&ptir, two places built by that dog (Sivaji). 
The Imperial forces took both these places and held them. 

Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Gh&kna, and 
after examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, 
erected batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own 
position, and began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having 
invested the place, they used their best efforts to reduce it. 
The rains in that country last nearly five months, and fall 
night and day, so that people cannot put their heads out of 
their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change day into night, 
so that lamps are often needed, for without them one roan 
cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets 
were rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows de- 
prived of their strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and 
the walls of the fortress were breached by the fire of the guns. 
The garrison were hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights 
they sallied forth into the trenches and fought with surprising 
boldness. Sometimes the forces of the freebooter on the outside 
combined with those inside in making a simultaneous attack in 
broad daylight, and placed the trenches in great danger. After 
the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days, a bastion which had been 
mined was blown up, and stones, bricks and men flew into the 
air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islfim, trusting in God, 
and placing their shields before them, rushed to the assault and 
fought with great determination. But the infidels had thrown 
up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made intrench- 
ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day passed 
in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the 
brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without 
food or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun 
rose, they renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the 
garrison to the sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution 
they carried the place. The survivors of the garrison retired into 



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MUXTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 263 

the citadel. In this assault 300 men of the royal armjr were slain, 
besides sappers and others engaged in the work of the siege. Six or 
se^en hundred horse and foot were wounded bj stones and bullets, 
arrows and swords. The men in the citadel being reduced to 
extremity, sent B&o Bh&o Singh to make terms, and then sur- 
rendered. Next day Amiru-l umard entered and inspected the 
fortress, and having left Uzbek Kh4n in command of it, he 
marched after Sivaji. After a time he gave the name of Isl&m&b&d 
to Ghakna, and called Ja'feu: Kh&n from M&lw& to his assistance. 
Amiru'l umard reported that the fort of Parenda had been won 
without fighting.^ 

Sulaimdn Shukoh. 

[vol. ii. p. 123.] Sulaim&n Shukoh had for some time found 
refuge in the hills with Pirthi Singh, Zaminddr of Srinagar, and 
Tarbiyat Kh4n had been sent with an army to overrun that 
territory. Pirthi Singh now wrote, through the medium of 
B&ja Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for his offences, and offering 
to give up Sulaim&n Shukoh. Eunwar B&i Singh, son of B&ja 
Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaim&n Shukoh, * * and he 
brought him to Gourt on the 1 1th Jum&da-l awwal. He was 
led into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a 
lenient course, and ordered him to be sent prisoner to the fort of 
Gw&lior, along with Muhammad Sult&n, who had been confined 
in Sallm-garh. 

Season of Scardiy. 

[vol. ii. p. 123.] Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, com- 
bined with war and movements of armies, had made grain very 
scarce and dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds 
of people from all parts made their way to the capital. Every 

^ " It was Biirrendered by its commandant named Gh&lib, who had been appointed 
by 'Ali Mardan TSXikn^'—'Alamgir-ndma, p. 696. 



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264 KHAFr KHAN. 

street and bdzdr of the city was choked with poor helpless 
people, so that it was difficult for the inhabitants to move about. 
An Imperial order was issued, that in addition to the regular 
bulgh&r-khdnaSi where raw and cooked grain was given away, 
ten more langar-khdiias (free houses of entertainment)^ should 
be opened in the city, and twelve bulghiir-khdtvaa in the suburbs 
and among the tombs, and careftil men were appointed to super- 
intend them. Instructions were also issued for the amirs to 
make provision for langar distributions, and orders were given 
for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the 
view of fiivouring the gathering of stores. 

FOTTRTH TbAR OF THE EeION, 1071 A.H. (1661 A.D.). 

[vol. ii. p. 128.] Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam married (in 
1071 A.H.) the daughter of B&ja Bup Singh. 

Campaign of Khdn-khdndn Mu'azzam Khdn {Mir Jumla) 
against Assam. 

[vol. ii. p. 130.] The country of Ash&m (Assam) lies to the 
east and north of Bengal between long ranges of hills. Its 
length is nearly lOQjaribi kos^ and its width from the mountains 
on the north to those on the south side is eight days' journey. 
It is said to be the native land of Pir&n Waisiya,^ the tvazir of 
Afr&siydb, and the R4ja of the country traces his descent from 
this Pir&n. In the beginning the B&jas were fire- worshippers, 
but in course of time they became identified with the idolaters of 
Hind. * * It is the established practice in that country that 
every individual pays annually one tola of gold-dust to the 
government of the R&ja. * * When the RAja of that country or 
a great zaminddr dies, they dig a large tomb or apartment in the 
earth, and in it they place his wives and concubines, as also his 
horses and equipage, carpets, vessels of gold and silver, grain, 

» See auprd, Vol. VI. p. 564. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 265 

etc., all such things as are used in that country, the jewels worn 
by wives and nobles, perfames and fruit, sufficient to last for 
several days. These they call the provisions for his journey to 
the next world, and when they are all collected the door is closed 
upon them. It was in consequence of this custom that the 
forces of Kh&n-kh&n&n obtained such large sums of money from 
under ground. The country of K&mrtip borders upon Assam, 
and the two countries are friendly. For the last twenty years 
the people of this country had been refractory. They were 
in the habit of attacking the Imperial territories in the province 
of Bengal, and of carrying off the ryots and Musulmdns as 
prisoners. So great injury was done to life and property, and 
great scandal was cast upon the Muhammadan religion. 

Isl&m Eh&n, Sdbaddr of Bengal, led an army against the 
country in the reign of Sh&h Jah&n, but he was recalled and 
appointed to the ofEce of wazhr before the work was accomplished. 
Afterwards Shnj4' went to seek refuge with the Zaminddr of Bak- 
hang, who was one of the zaminddrs of those parts, and his fate 
was never ascertained. After Kh&n-kh&n&n had settled the affairs 
of Dacca and other parts of Bengal, he resolved upon marching 
against Assam, and began to collect men and supplies for the 
campaign. When the B4ja of Assam and the Zamind&r of Ktich 
Bih&r, named Bhim Nar&in, heard of this, they were greatly 
alarmed, and wrote penitent letters making submission and seek- 
ing forgiveness. • • • These were forwarded to the Emperor, 
but orders were sent to E[hfin-kh&n&n for the extermination of 
both of them. So he marched against that country with artillery, 
provisions for sieges, and a number of boats, which are of great im- 
portance for carrying on war in those parts. [Long details of the 
campaign.'] Kh&n-kh&n&n had the khutba read and money coined 
in the name of the Emperor. He set aside the government of 
the B&ja, and was desirous of pursuing him ; but the rainy 
season was coming on, and in that country it lasts five months, 
and rains almost incessantly night and day. * * Large quantities 
of gold and silver were obtained from the places of sepulture. 



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266 KHAFr KHAN. 

♦ • Khdn-kb&nfin left the commander of his artillery in the 
conquered fortress of Ghar-g4nw to take charge of it, and to get 
his guns in order, for artillery is all-important in that country. 
The Kh&n then retired thirty ko% and a half from Ghar-ganw to 
Mathura-piir, which is situated at the foot of a hill, and is not 
liable to inundation. There he found cantonments in which to 
pass the rainy season. For seven or eight koB round he stationed 
outposts under experienced officers to guard against surprise -by 
the Assamese. The infidels repeatedly made attacks on dark 
nights, and killed many men and horses. 

Fifth Year of the Keign, corresponding to 1072 a.h. 
(1662 a.dO. 

[vol. ii. p. 154.] The fifth year of the reign began 1st Shaw- 
wdl. Soon after the celebration of the fifth anniversary, the 
Emperor was attacked by illness.^ In the course of a week the 
fact got noised about in the vicinity of the capital, where it 
interrupted the ordinary occupations of the people, and excited 
the hopes of the disaffected. But His Majesty's health soon 
recovered, * * and on the 7th Jumada-l awwal he started from 
Dehll for L&hore on his way to Kashmir. 



Murder of Prince Murdd Bakhsh. 

[vol. ii. p. 155.] The author of the 'A'lamgir-ndma has given 
an account of the killing of Mur4d Bakhsh as suited his own 
pleasure (marzi). 1 now give my version of it as I have ascer- 
tained it from written records, and as I have heard it from the 
evidence of truthful men of the time, and from the mouth of my 
own father, who was a confidential servant of Mur&d Bakhsh, and 
until his services were no longer needed lived at the foot of the 
fort (of Gw&lior)^ intent upon raising a rope-ladder (kamand) and 

1 See Buprii, p. 180. 

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MUNTAKH^U-L LUBAB. 267 

of rescuing his master, without even thinkiDg of taking service 
under Aurangzeb. When Muhammad Bakhsh was sent to the 
fortress, a favourite concubine, named Sarsun B&i, was at his 
request allowed to accompany him. The unfortunate prisoner 
used to give away half what was allowed him for his support in 
cooked food to the Mughals and Mughal woman who had followed 
him to his place of captivity, and lived in poverty at the foot of 
the fortress. After many schemes had been proposed, the Mughals 
contrived a plan for fastening a rope-ladder to the ramparts at a 
given time and place. After the second watch of the night, before 
the world was asleep, Mur&d Bakhsh communicated his intended 
escape to Sarsun B&i, and promised to do his best to return and 
rescue her. On hearing this, Sarsun B4i began to weep and cry 
out in such a way that the guards heard what she said, and with 
lights and torches searched for and discovered the ladder. When 
the plot was communicated to Aurangzeb, he felt some alarm for 
his throne. At the instigation of some of the Emperor'^s firiends, 
the sons of ^Ali Naki, whom Mur&d Bakhsh had put to death, 
brought a charge of murder against him. The eldest son refused 
to demand satis&ction for his fkther^s death, but the second 
complied with the expressed wish, and brought a charge of murder 
in a court of law against Mur&d Bakhsh. The case came at 
length before the Emperor, and he directed that it should be 
submitted to a judge. After it had been decided according to law, 
the order was given in Babi'^u-s s&ni, 1072 A.H., for the judge to 
go along with the heir of the slain man to Mur&d Bakhsh to 
pronounce the sentence of the law, upon the murder being proved. 
The date of his death is found in the line At wai ba-har bahdnah 
kushtand^ ^* Alas and alas ! on some pretext they killed him.^^ 
His gracious Majesty rewarded the eldest son for not enforcing 
his claim of blood. 

The Campaign in Assam. 
[vol. ii. p. 157.] I now revert to the campaign of Kh&n- 
kh&n&n in Assam. [Long details of the sufferings of the troops 



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268 KHAPr ^HAN. 

from the comtant attacks of the natives, from the rains and 
floods^ from want of food^ and from sickness and disease.'] The 
men of the armj were redaced to such extremity that some of 
the officers, after consulting together, were about to moFe off 
and leave Eh&n-kh&n&n. He got information of this, and took 
measures to prevent it. He gave public orders for the armjr 
to move its position towards that held by the B4ja, but pri- 
vately he prepared for a (backward) march, and comforted his 
men with prospects of peace and return. When the Assamese 
got intelligence of the movement, they assembled in great 
numbers, and showed great insolence. Diler Kh&n resolved 
to punish them, and thousands of them were slain and made 
prisoners. Kh&n-kh&n&n ordered that the prisoners should have 
the heads of the slain tied round them, and be thus exposed to 
the derision of the camp. He then sent them to the outposts 
to be again exposed, and afterwards put to death. * * The B4ja 
at length consented to terms of peace. He agreed to pay 120,000 
tolas of silver, and 2000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty 
elephants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He 
also agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to 
Kh&n-kh&n&n, together with some cash and goods. It was 
further agreed that of the conquered places a few forts and towns 
in cultivated districts near the frontier of Bengal should be 
attached to the Imperial dominions. * * 

In the middle of Jum&da-l awwal, in the fifth year of the 
reign, the Eh&n-kh&n&n began his return march with an army 
broken down by disease, and with many of the officers and 
nobles at the point of death. The Eh£n-kh4n4n himself was 
seriously ill, but he strove to the last in the service of his 
master. Concealing his own suffering, or making light of it, 
he exerted himself night and day to direct and comfort his 
army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew that the 
time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his 
officers to march against the B&ja of Kuch Bih&r, who had 
iailed in keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 269 

he spoke a few last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr- 
ptir, on the frontiers of Eiich Bib&r, on the 12th Ramaz&ny at 
the beginning of the sixth year of the reign. 



Sixth Tear of thb Reign, 1073 a.h. (1663 a.d.). 

Sivaji surprises Shdyista Khan at Puna. 

[vol. ii. p. 171.] The Amiru-l umard (Sh&yista Kh&n), after 
taking several forts and strong places, proceeded to Puna, and 
lodged there in a house which had been built by that hell-dog 
Sivaji. From thence he sent out detachments to destroy the 
power "of Sivaji, and to make him prisoner. A regulation had 
been made that no person, especially no Mahratta, should be 
allowed to enter the city or the lines of the army without a pass, 
whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons in the Imperial 
service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the service. 
Sivaji, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains difficult 
of access^ and was continually changing his position. One day a 
party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the 
kottodlj and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were 
accompanying a marriage party.- A boy dressed up as a bride- 
groom, and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and 
music, entered the town early in the evening. On the same 
day another party was allowed to «nter the town on the report 
that a number of the enemy had been made prisoners at one 
of the outposts, and that another party was bringing them in 
pinioned and bare-headed, holding them by ropes and abusing 
and reviling them as they went along. They proceeded to the 
place agreed upon, where the whole party met and put on arms. 
At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was near 
the women's apartments. Between the two there was a small 
window stopped up with mud and bricks. They proceeded by a 
way well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the 
month of the fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in 



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270 KHAFr KHAN. 

preparing the vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The 
assailants approached noiselessly, and, as far as thejr were able, 
they attacked and killed unawares those who were awake. Those 
who were asleep they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm 
was raised. They then quickly set to work about opening the 
closed window in the palace. The noise^ of their pickaxes and 
the cries of the slaughtered men awoke a servant who was sleep- 
ing in a room next to the wall of the cook-house. He went to 
the AmirU'l umard (Sh&yista Kh&n), and informed him of what 
he had heard. The Amir scolded him, and said that it was only 
the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some maid-servants 
then came, one after another, to say that a hole was being made 
through the wall. The Amir then jumped up in great alarm, and 
seized a bow, some arrows, and a spear. Just then^ some Mah- 
rattas came up in front, and the Amir shot one with an arrow ; 
but he got up to the Amir^ and cut off his thumb. Two Mahrattas 
fell into a reservoir of water, and Amirtt'l umard brought down 
another with his spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave- 
girls took Sh&yista Kh&n, Amiru-l umard^ by the hand, and 
dragged him from the scene of strife to a place of safety. A 
number of Mahrattas got into the guard-house, and killed every 
one they found on his pillow, whether sleeping or awake, and 
said : '^ This is how they keep watch ! " Some men got into the 
nakdr-khatMy and in the name of the Amiru-l umard ordered the 
drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one man could 
not hear another speak, and the noise made by the assailants 
grew higher. They closed the doors. Abu-1 Fath Khdn, son of 
Sh&yista Kh&n, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed 
two or three men^ but was himself wounded and killed. A man 
of importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amim-l 
umardy hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endea- 
voured to escape by a rope-ladder from a window ; but he was 
old and feeble, and somewhat resembled Sh&yista Kh&n. The 
Mahrattas mistook him for the AmirU'l umard^ killed him and 
cut off his head. They also attacked two of the Amir's women. 



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MUXTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 271 

One of them was so cat about that her remains were collected 
in a basket which served for her coffin. The other recovered, 
although she had received thirty or forty wounds. The assail- 
ants gave no thought to plundering, but made their way out of 
the house and went off. 

In the morning B&ja Jaswant, who was commander of Amiru-l 
umarS% supports, came in to see the Amkr^ and make his apo- 
logy ; but that high-bom noble spoke not a word beyond saying, 
*' I thought the Mah&r&ja was in His Majesty's service when 
such an evil befell me.^ When this occurrence was reported to 
the Emperor, he passed censure both upon the Amir and Bdja 
Jaswant. The Subaddri of the Dakhin and the command of the 
forces employed against Sivaji was given to Prince Muhammad 
Mu'azzam. The Amlru-l umard was recalled, but a subsequent 
order sent him to be SMaddr of Bengal. Mah4r&ja Jaswant 
was continued as before among the auxiliary forces under the 
Prince. 



Seventh Yeab of the Bbign, 1074 a.h. (1664 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 177.] Despatches arrived from Prince 
Mu^azzam to the effect that Sivaji was growing more and more 
daring, and every day was attacking and plundering the Imperial 
territories and caravans. He had seized the ports of Jiwal, 
P&bal^ and others near Surat, and attacked the vessels of pil- 
grims bound to Mecca. He had built several forts by the sea- 
shore, and had entirely interrupted maritime intercourse. He 
had also struck copper coins {aikkori pul) and huna in the fort of 
Baj-garh. Mah&r&ja Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress him, 
but without avail. B&ja Jai Sing [and many other nobles] were 
sent to join the armies fighting against him. 

^ See supri^ p. 256. 



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272 KHAFr KHAN. 

Eighth Year of the Beign, 1075 a.h. (1665 a.d.)- 

War in the DakAin. Surrender of Swaji. 

B&ja Jai Singh proceeded to his cominand and paid his respects 
to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at Aurangab&d. He then went 
to Puna, and having arranged the affairs of that district, he 
employed himself in distributing the forces under his command 
to ravage the country and attack the forts of the enemy. He 
himself proceeded to attack the forts of Piirandhar and Budar 
M&l,^ two of the most noted fortresses in the country, which 
had formerly belonged to Nizamu-1 Mulk. The two forts were 
close to each other. Diler Kh&n was sent on in command of the 
advanced force. * * Diler Khan began the siege, and both the 
forts were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. * * 
Jai Singh arrived with his son Kesar Singh. * * After a bastion 
had been blown up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the 
foot of the hill. The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded 
in making their way to the top of the hill, when the defenders 
called for quarter, which was granted to them by the B&ja and 
Diler Kh&n. The two commandants waited upon Diler Kh&n, 
and were sent to the B&ja, who disarmed the garrison, and took 
possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry and 
sappers, were lost in the siege, and more than a hundred were 
wounded. 

After the conquest of the two forts, B&ja Jai Singh sent Daiid 
Kh&n and ♦ ♦ with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay 
waste the country which Sivaji had won by force and violence. 
Great efforts were made on both sides, and for five months the 
Imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting the 
enemy. At Siv&pur, which was built by Sivaji, and at the forts 
of Kanddna' and Kanw4r{-garh, not one trace of cultivation was 

^ The text calls them " Pdndhar and Rdd-m&l." P&randhar is aboat twenty 
miles Bonth-east of PtUia, and Btidar M&l was one of its ontworks. See Grrant Duff, 
vol. L pp. 204, 207. 

* Now called Singarh, eight miles south of Piina. — Grant Dnff, toI. i. p. 62. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 273 

left, and cattle oat of namber were taken. But on the other 
hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy, their brilliant successes, 
their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of the roads and 
difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles foil of trees, severely 
tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great numbers 
perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and took 
to flight. The fort of B&jgarh,^ which Sivaji himself held, and the 
fort of Eanddna, in which were his wife and his maternal relations, 
were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard. 
The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivaji knew that, 
however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family 
and carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these 
strongholds were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer 
the consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent 
some intelligent men to B&ja Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of 
his offences, promising the surrender of several forts which he 
still held, and proposing to pay a visit to the B&ja. But the 
Bija, knowing well his craft and falsehood, gave directions for 
pressing the attack more vigorously, until the intelligence was 
brought that Sivaji had come out of the fortress. Some con- 
fidential Brdhmans now came from him, and confirmed his 
expressions of submission and repentance with the most stringent 
oaths. 

The Baja promised him security for his life and honour, upon 
condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to 
enter into his service. He also promised him the grant of a 
high tnamab^ and made preparations for suitably receiving him. 
Sivaji then approached with great humility. The B4ja sent his 
munshi to receive him, and he also sent some armed Hdjpiita to 
provide against treachery. The munshi carried a message to say 
that if Sivaji submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented 
to show obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted 
by the Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had I^etter 

1 Three miles S.E. of Toma, and about fifteen from P6na.— Grant Doff, toI. i. p. 132. 
VOL. vn. 18 



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274 KHAFf KHAN. 

return and prepare to renew the war. When Sivaji received the 
message, he said with great humility that he knew his life and 
honour were safe if he made his submission. The B&ja then 
sent a person of higher rank to hring him in with honour. 

When Sivaji entered, the B&ja arose, embraced him, and seated 
him near himself. Sivaji then, with a thousand signs of shame, 
clasped his hands and said, ^^ I have come as a guilty slave to seek 
forgiveness, and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your 
pleasure. I will make over my great forts, with the country of 
the Kokan, to the Emperor^s officers, and I will send my son to 
enter the Imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the 
interval of one year, when I have paid my respects to the 
Emperor, I may be allowed, like other servants of the State, who 
exercise authority in their own provinces, to live with my wife 
and &mily in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my 
services, are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my 
duty loyally .^^ The R&ja cheered him up, and sent him to Diler 
Eh&n. 

After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, 
seven thousand persons, men, women and children, came out 
of the fort. All that they could not carry away became the 
property of the Government, and the fort was taken possession of 
by the forces. Diler Eh&n presented Sivaji with a sword, 
and * *. He then took him back to the B&ja, who presented 
him with a robe, * * and renewed his assurances of safety and 
honourable treatment. Sivaji, with ready tact, bound on the 
sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful service. 
When the question about the time Sivaji was to remain under 
parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, E&ja 
Jai Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivaji 
and the grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * * A 
roace-bearer arrived with the farmdn and a robe, ♦ ♦ and Sivaji 
was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour. 

A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally 
settled that out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the 



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MIJNTAKHABIJ-L LUBAB. 275 

keys of twenty-three should be given up, with their revenues, 
amounting to ten Iocs of hunSy or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve 
small forts, with moderate revenues,* were to remain in the 
possession of Sivaji's people. Sambh& his son, a boy of eight 
years old, in whose name a mansah of 5000 had been granted 
at B&ja Jai Singh^s suggestion^ was to proceed to Court with 
the B&ja^ attended by a suitable retinue. Sivaji himself, with his 
family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to restore the 
prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was summoned 
on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being allowed 
to depart, he received a robe, horse, and * *. 

Death of Skdh Jahdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 186.] It now became known that the Sdhih 
Kirdn-i sdni (Sh&h Jah&n) was very ill, and that his life was 
drawing to a close. Prince Muhammad Mu'*azzam was im- 
mediately sent off in haste to visit him, but he received the 
intelligence of his (grandfather's) death while on his way. He 
died 3 at the end of Bajab 1076 a.i^. (22nd Jan. 1666), in the 
eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved much over 
his death. Sh&h Jah&n reigned thirty-one years, and he was 
secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.' 



[vol. ii. p. 188.] Among the events of this year was the 
subjugation of ^angr&m-nagar and Gh&tg&m near Arracan. The 
zaminddrs of these places had shaken off their allegiance, but 
XJmmed Eh&n, eldest son of Sh&yista Khan, Amiru-l umard^ 
defeated them. * * The name of Sangr&m-nagar was changed to 
'Alamgir-nagar, and that of Ch&tgdm to Isl&m&b&d. 

^ See their names in Qrant Dnff, toI. i. p. 209. 

3 « On the 26th Bajab, in the fort of Agra, haying thus entered the seventy-fifth 
solar year of his age." — ^Amal^i Sdlih, 

' ** Seren years five months and eighteen days. The date of his death is foond in 
the woids Shdh Jahdn hard wafdt,"-^Shdh Jahdn-ndma of S&dik Khfiin. 



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276 KHAFf KHAN. 

Ninth Year of the Beion, 1076 a.h. (1666 a.d.). 

Sivaji at the Imperial Court. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 189.] Raja Jai Singh, in the war with 
Bij&pdr, to be described presently, had, with the co-operation of 
Sivaji, done splendid service. After giving Sivaji every assurance 
of a kind and gracious reception, he made himself responsible for 
his safety, and sent him to Court. News of Sivaji's arrival was 
brought as the festival of the accession was being celebrated. It 
was ordered that Kunwar B&m Singh, son of B&ja Jai Singh, 
with Mukhlis Kh&n, should go out to meet and conduct that evil 
malicious fellow into i^^gra. On the 18th Zi-1 ka'da, 1076, Sivaji, 
and his son of nine years old, had the honour of being introduced 
to the Emperor. He niade an offering of 500 ashrqfia and 6000 
rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees. By the royal command he was 
placed in the position of a panj-hazdri. But his son, a boy of eight 
years, had privately been made a panj'hazdri, and Nathuji, one 
of his relations, who had rendered great service to B&ja Jai 
Singh in his campaign against Bij&pur, had been advanced to the 
same dignity, so that Sivaji had a claim to nothing less than 
the dignity of Sk haft-hazdri (7000). Raja Jai Singh had flattered 
Sivaji with promises ; but as the R&ja knew the Emperor to have 
a strong feeling against Sivaji, he artfully refrained from making 
known the promises he had held out. The ktikbdl^ or reception 
of Sivaji, had not been such as he expected. He was annoyed,^ 
and so, before the robe and jewels and elephant, which were 
ready for presentation to him, could be presented, he complained 
to R&m Singh that he was disappointed. The Kunwar tried to 
pacify him, but without effect. When his disrespectful bearing 
came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was dismissed with 
little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the Imperial 
bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the 
house of R&ja Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Eunwar B&m 

^ Three lines of fche text are compressed into these three words. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 277 

Singh. A letter was sent to E&ja Jai Singh, informing him of 
what had passed, and Sivaji was forbidden to come to the Boyal 
presenee until the B&ja's answer and advice should arrive. His 
son was ordered to attend the presence in the company of K&m 
Singh. 

Campaign against Bijdpur, 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 191.] R4ja Jai Singh, with Diler Khfin and 
his other associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bijd- 
pur. He took with him, as guides and assistants, Mull& Yahy& 
Bij&ptiri, Purdil Kh&n, Sivaji, and Nathuji, one of SivajCs rela- 
tions, who was his chief supporter, and for whom also a mansab of 
5000 had been proposed. His force amounted on paper {kalami) 
to 33,000 horse, but he had with him 25,000. Abu-1 Majd, 
grandson of Bahlol Eh&n, and one of the bravest of the nobles 
of Bij&pury separated from 'Adil Eh&n, and joined B&ja Jai 
Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country. The B&ja 
acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the Emperor 
recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse should be 
settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded to. 
Forts belonging to Bij4p6r were taken by storm, or after a few 
days' siege, in all directions. Sivaji and Nathuji, with two 
thousand horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed 
great skill in taking forts, and won much fame. In the course 
of three or four weeks three forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were 
taken. ISeverejfighting.'] 

At length, after two months' fighting, the Imperial forces came 
to five kos distance from Bij&pdr. On the 2nd Bajab they 
began the investment of the city. 'Adil Eh&n, being now closed 
in, directed his generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay 
it waste. Others were sent to oppose the Baja and attack his 
baggage. The embankments of the tanks were cut, poisonous 
matters and carrion were thrown into the wells, the trees and 
lofty buildings near the fortress were destroyed, spikes were fixed 



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278 KHAPr KHAN. 

in the ground, and the gardens and houses on both sides of the 
city were so destroyed that not a trace of culture was left near 
the city. * * Ehwaja Nekn&m, a eunuch, joined Sharza Khan, 
the commander of "^Adil Kh&n's army, with a reinforcement of 
6000 horse and 25,000 infentry, from Kutbu-l Mulk. Every 
day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which 
went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler 
Xh&n was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the 
combats which were fought would be long and tedious. * * 

Sivaji, with Nathuji and several . thousand Imperial horse, 
had been sent to reduce the fort of Pam&la ; ^ but after making 
some bold movements, he was obliged to relinquish the attempt, 
and proceeded to Khelna,^ one of his own forts. Nathtiji, who 
had been corrupted by some of the Bij&pur chiefs, separated 
from Sivajf, and went off along with them. The B&ja called 
Sivaji to him, and treated him very courteously. At length, by 
the active exertions and clever management of Sivaji, several 
forts came into the possession of the royal forces. In accordance 
with Sivaji's own desire, and in performance of the promise made 
to him, under the Imperial orders he was sent off express with 
liis son at the end of the month of Bamaz&n to Gourt. After 
the departure of Sivaji, the siege of Bij&pur was carried on for 
^wo months and a half longer, and there were many hard fights 
nnder the walls. * * 

At the end of Zi-1 ka'da the siege had gone on for eight months, 
during which neither cavalry nor infantry had rested. AH 
round Bij&pur for forty or fifty ko8 not a trace of grass or fodder 
was left. No supplies arrived, so the Imperial armies were 
reduced to great straits. The B&ja and Diler Eh&n therefore 
deemed it advisable to remove to the neighbourhood of Dh&rur, 
to have their wounded tended, to give rest to their troops, and to 

1 " Near Kol&ptir."— Text, vol. i. p. 388. It lies about twelve mileB N.W., and is 
marked in the maps aa <' Pan&la." 

2 Ehelnais now called Yishalgarh. — Grant Duff, vol. i. p. 177. Bee also Thornton, 
9.V, " Viahalgurh." It lies in the Ghats, abont 60 miles N.W. of Kol&pdr. When 
the Mohammadans took it, they gave it the name of Sakhralna. See post. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 279 

collect lead and powder. They also hoped to obtain there supplies 
of fodder and corm A despatch to this effect was sent off to the 
Emperor. The Dakhinis also, inside the fortress, found their 
provisions drawing to an end, and their weapons expended or 
damaged. Both besiegers and besieged were therefore anxious 
for an arrangement. * * When the despatch reached the 
Emperor, he issued an order directing his generals to cease 
operations against 'Adil Eh&n. B&ja Jai Singh was directed to 
proceed to Auraug&b&d, and Diler Kh&n was recalled to Court. 



Sivaji's Escape. 

[vol. ii. p. 198.] After Sivajl returned angry and disappointed 
from the royal presence to his house, orders were given to the 
kotwdl to place guards round it^ Sivaji, reflecting upon his 
former deeds and his present condition, was sadly troubled by the 
state of his affairs. He thought of nothing else but of delivering 
himself by some crafty plan from his perilous position. His subtle 
mind was not long in contriving a scheme. From the beginning 
he kept up a show of friendship and intimacy with the amirs^ and 
with Eunwar B&m Singh. He sent them presents of Dakhin 
products, and, by expressing contrition for his past conduct, he 
won them over to advocate the acceptance of his shame and 
repentance. 

Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed 
aloud. Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took 
to his bed, and, as if prostrated with consumption or fever, 
he sought remedies from the physicians. For some time he 
carried on this artifice. At length he made known his recovery. 
He sent presents to his doctors and attendants, food to 
the Br&hmans, and presents of grain and money to needy 
Musulm&ns and Hindus. For this purpose he had provided 

1 The 'Alamffir'ndma, p. 970, says that Sambh&-ji receired a good deal of notice 
from the Emperori and that upon a letter of remonstrance arriTing from B&ja Jai 
Singh, the gnarda were remoTed from Slyaji's dwelling. 



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280 KHAFF KHAN. 

large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with 
Sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amirs and 
the abodes of fakirs. Two or three swifk horses were procured, 
and, under the pretence of being presents to Brihmans, they 
were sent to a place appointed fourteen kas from the city, in 
charge of some of his people, who were privy to his plans. A 
devoted companion, who resembled him in height and figure, 
took his place upon the couch, and Sivajfs gold ring was placed 
upon his hand. He was directed to throw a piece of fine 
muslin over his head, but to display the ring he wore upon 
his hand; and vtrhen any one came in, to feign to be asleep. 
Sivajf, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried out, 
it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats in- 
tended for the hrdhmans dkXiA, fakirs of Mathur&. 

Thus, on the last day of Safer, Sivaji got out of Agra, and 
proceeded to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the 
course of two watches, he reached Mathura. There he shaved 
off his beard and whiskers, and smeared his own and his son's 
face with ashes, and, taking with him some jewels and gold, he 
went off with some of his confederates, who were also disguised as 
fakirs. He crossed the Jumna at an unfrequented ferry, apd 
proceeded towards Benares, travelling in the night, and being 
guided by some swift Dakhini runners, whose business is to 
disguise themselves and travel in all directions. It is said that 
they carried sufficient money and jewels for their wants in hollow 
walking-sticks. 

On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhini runner, 
employed as a spy, brought information that Sivaji had got firee 
and was making off. The koltcdl was directed to make inquiry, 
but he replied that the guards were at their posts round the house. 
Another spy confidently reported his escape. The kotwdPs men 
went to see, and they saw as they thought Sivaji asleep under 
his thin covering, and his ring distinctly visible. The kottcdl 
reported accordingly. A third spy now strongly asseverated 
that Sivaji had escaped, and was forty or fifty kos AVf2ky. A 



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MUNTAKHABd-L LUBAB. 281 

closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The kottcdl 
and Eunwar B&m Singh were censared, and as B&m Singh was 
suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of his 
tnansab and forbidden to come to Court. Orders were sent to 
the provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to 
search for Sivaji, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor. 
R&ja Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bij&pur, 
and had arrived at Aurang&b&d, received orders to arrest 
Nathuji before the escape of Sivaji became public, and to send 
him to Court. After that he was to watch carefully for the 
bird escaped from the cage, and not suffer him to re-establish 
himself in his old haunts and to gather his followers around 
him. * * It is said that Sivaji made such expedition in his 
flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son 
Sambh&, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so 
much from the rapid motion, that Sivaji left him behind at 
All&h&b&d, in charge of a Brahman, a man of high repute in 
that place, whose relations in the Dakhin had been closely 
connected with Sivaji*s father. Sivaji placed a sum of money witli 
the Br&hman and commended the boy to his care. He was not 
to part from him until he received a letter in Sivaji^s own hand ; 
and if he obtained certain intelligence of Sivaji's death, he was to 
act as he deemed best. 



Sieffe of Bydpur raised. 

Bfija Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of 
Bij&pur. Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not 
be held after his departure, through want of provisions on the 
inside, against the swarms of Dakhinis outside, he resolved to 
abandon them. He took out of them such guns as he could 
cany away. Then he gave the forts up to plunder, and afterwards 
set fire to them, and blew up the strong towers and walls. Then 
he proceeded to Aurang&b&d. Information now reached him of 
the flight of Sivaji,' and, in obedience to the Imperial command. 



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282 KHAFF KHAN. 

he arrested Natfauji and his son, and sent them to Court. * * 
On arriving there, Nathdji was ordered to be kept under close 
surveillance. Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed a 
wish to become a Musulm&n, which greatly pleased the Emperor. 
So he was initiated, and received a mamah of three thousand and 
two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kuli Kh&n. 
After some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforce- 
ments for Diler Eh&n, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to 
join Sivaji. 

Tenth Yeae op the Reign, 1077 a.h. (1667 a.d.). 

[Text^ vol. ii. p. 207.] Prince Muhammad Mu^azzam was 
appointed Siibaddr of the Dakhin, * * and intelligence reached 
the Court of the death of B&ja Jai Sijigh. 

Eleventh Yeae of the Eeign, 1078 a.h. (1668 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 211.] After the expiration of ten years (of the 
reign), authors were forbidden to write the events of this just 
and righteous Emperor's reign. Nevertheless some competent 
persons (did write), and particularly Musta'idd Kh&n, who secretly 
wrote an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, 
simply detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without 
alluding at all to the misfortunes of the campaign ; and Bindr&ban, 
who wrote an abridged account of the events of some years of 
the second and third decades. But I have neither seen nor 
obtained any history that contains a full and detailed account of 
the forty remaining years of the reign. Consequently, from the 
eleventh to the twenty-first year of the Emperor's reign, I have 
not been able to relate the events in the order in which they 
occurred, giving the month and year; but after this year, with 
very great labour and pains, I collected information from the 
papers in the public offices, and by inquiry made from truthftil 
persons, the confidential and old servants of the Emperor and 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 283 

old eanuchs. This, and whatsoeyer I myself observed, after 
attaining years of discretion, for thirty or forty years, I laid up in 
the strong box (of my memory), and that I have written. And 
since I heard that Bindr&ban D&s Bah&dur Sh&h{, who was long 
a mutasaddi of Sh&h 'Alam during the time he was a prince, had 
compiled a history, and had included in it an account of upwards 
of thirty years, being exceedingly anxious to see it, I made great 
search for it. Subsequently when, after great trouble, I obtained 
a copy, and examined it carefully from beginning to end, in the 
hope that I might gather the rich fruits of his labours, I dis- 
covered that his work did not contain one-half of what I had 
collected and included in my own history.^ 

The King of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to 
day to put in force the rules of the Law, and to maintain the 
Divine commands and prohibitions. Orders were also issued 
prohibiting the collection of the rdhddrk^ the pdndari^ and other 
imposts which brought in lacs of rupees to tho State. Pro- 
hibitions were promulgated against intoxicating drinks, against 
taverns and brothels, and against the meetings called jdtraa or 
&irs, at which on certain dates countless numbers of Hindus, 
men and women of every tribe, assemble at their idol temples — 
when lacs of rupees change hands in buying and selling, 
and from which large sums accrue to the provincial treasuries. 
The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the 
Court were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced 
to the dignities of mansabs. Public proclamations were made 
prohibiting singing and dancing. It is said that one day a 
number of singers and minstrels gathered together with great 
cries, and having fitted up a bier with a good deal of display, 
round which were grouped the public wallers, they passed under 
the Emperor's jharokha-i darsan^ or interview-window. When 
he inquired what was intended by the bier and the show, the 
minstrels said that Music was dead, and they were carrying his 

^ See Col. Leee, in Jom, Boff. At. Soc. m.s. vol. iii. p. 471. 



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284 KHAFr KHAN. 

corpse for burial. Aurangzeb then directed them to place it 
deep in the ground, that no sound or cry might afterwards arise 
from it. 

In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the 
jharokhori darsan had been a regular institution. Although 
the King might be suffering from bodily indisposition, he went 
to the, jharokha once or twice a day at stated times, and put his 
head out of the window to show that he was safe. This window, 
at Xgra and at Dehli, was constructed on the side looking 
towards the Jumna. Besides the nobles in attendance at the 
Court, hundreds of thousands of qien and women of all classes 
used to collect under the jharokha and offer their blessings and 
praises. Many Hindus were known by the name of darsani^ for 
until they had seen «the person of the King at the window, they 
put not a morsel of food into their mouths. His religious 
Majesty looked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawfnl 
practices, so he left off sitting in the window, and forbade the 
assembling of the crowd beneath it. 

[Twelfth Tear of the Reign.] * 
Escape of Sivcyi. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 217.] Sivaji left Mathura after changing 
his clothes and shaving off his beard and whiskers, carrying 
with him his youthful son and forty or fifty individuals, 
servants and dependents, who all smeared their faces with 
ashes, and assumed the appearance of Hindu mendicants. The 
valuable jewels and the gold mohura and the huns they carried 
with them were concealed in walking sticks, which had been 
hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top 
with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the 
wearers, pretending to be Hindu mendicants of three different 
classes, Bairdgis^ Oosdim^ and Uddais, proceeded by way of 
All&h&b&d to Benares. One very valuable diamond with some 
^ This does not appear ia the text. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 286 

rubies was encased in wax, and concealed in the dress of one 
of his followers, and other jewels were placed in the months of 
other attendants. 

So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the 
faufdar^ 'All EuK Kh&n, had received private and public notice of % 
Sivaji*s escape, l^he faujdar^ knowing of the escape of Sivaji, on 
hearing of the arrival of these three parties of Hindu devotees, 
ordered them all to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be 
made. All these men and some other travellers remained in con- 
finement a night and a day. On the second night Sivaji, at the 
second watch of the night, proceeded alone to the faujddr in private, 
and acknowledged that he was Sivaji. But, said he, ^' I have two 
gems, a diamond and a ruby of great value, with more than a lac 
of rupees. If you secure me and send me back a prisoner, or if 
you cut ofi* my head and forward- that, the two priceless jewels 
will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my head ; but still, 
keep ofi* thine hand from wretched me in this dangerous Btrait.*"' 
'All Euli preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the reward 
which might afterwards accrue to him. He took the two valuable 
jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries, he 
released all the devotees and travellers from custody. 

Sivaji, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened 
to pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself 
in rapid travelling and walking beat even the regular runners ; 
but after reaching AUah&b&d, his young son Sambh&, who ac- 
companied him, was foot-sore and worn out. Sivaji therefore at 
Benares gave a quantity of jewels and money, and placed his 
boy in the charge of a Br&hman, named Eabkalas,^ who was the 
hereditary family priest of his family, and who happened at that 
time to be at Benares. Sivaji promised that if he reached home 
alive, he would write to the Br&hman, who was then to conduct 
the boy to his father by the road and in the manner prescribed 
in the letter. He warned him against listening to the wishes of 

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286 KRKVT KHAN. 

the boy, or attending to letters from his mother. Having thus 
provided for the care of his boy, he continued his flight, * * and 
he had hardly entered Benares before the government messengers 
brought the news of Sivaji**s escape. * * Sivaji then continued 
his flight by way of Bih&r, Patna and Gh&nda, which is a thickly- 
wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came 
to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on 
from place to place secretly till he reached Haidar&bdd, and came 
to 'Abdu-Uah Eutbu-1 Mulk. There he told such stories and 
used such arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived 
'Abdu-Uah Sh6h. 

Conquests of Sivaji. 

[vol. ii. p. 220.] Sundry forts which had belonged to the 
Kutb-Sh&hi kings had passed into the hands of the 'Adil-Sh&his. 
Sivaji had a great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, 
and he swore to 'Abdu-lla Sh&h, that if he would supply him 
with forces and the means for conducting sieges, he would in a 
short time wrest these forts from the Bij&puris, and hand them 
over to the officers appointed to accompany him ; he would not 
even accept some forts which had belonged to himself, and were 
in the possession of the officers of Aurangzeb, if he recovered 
them by the means supplied him. He vowed also that for the 
remainder of his life he would remain the devoted servant and 
adherent of 'Abdu-lla Sh£h. The ultimate objects of the arch de- 
ceiver never entered into the consideration of '*Abdu-llah Sh&h. 
He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he 
appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations, 
whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord 
with Sivaji. 

Sivaji, with the force placed under his command, marched on 
his enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous 
skill in the conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell 
into his hands after a few days' investment. He cajoled the 
officers who had been sent with him to take charge of the cap- 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 287 

tared forts, with plausible statements, with promises of giving 
them the command of more important places, and by using the 
money and property he had obtained from the captured strong- 
holds. So he carried them with him to other forts, and in 
a short time he reduced Satt&ra, Pam&la, and ten or twelve 
other renowned forts belonging to Bijdpur, which it would have 
taken years and Iocs of expense to conquer. He then marched 
against B&jgarh, and other forts which had been captured by 
E&ja Jai Singh, Diler Kh&n, and other Imperial generals, the 
keys of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered 
them all, he placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of 
'Abdu-llah Sh&h. 

According to common report, and the oral statements of men 
of Haidardb&d, Sivaji came to that city in the first or second year 
of the reign of Abu-1 Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and 
satisfying that sovereign. When he had finished his fortress- 
taking, according to his wont, he took up his abode at B&jgarhy 
and there again raised the standard of rebellion. In the days 
when the fortifications of the port of Surat were not yet com- 
pleted, he attacked and took the place.^ There he obtained 
an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and uncoined, 
and in the stuffs of Kashmir, Ahmad&b&d, and other places. 
He also made prisoners of some thousand Hiudd men and 
women of name and station, and Musulm&ns of honourable 
position. Krors in money and goods thus came into the hands 
of that evil infidel. 

Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of 
Surat, ordered that the fortifications of that port should be 
completed ; and he placed Diler Khdn and Kh&n-Jah&n in com- 
mand of an army to punish Sivaji. It is said that Sivaji got 
together some ten or twelve thousand Eaohh and Arab horses, 
so that when he sent out an army most of the horsemen were 
bdrffira, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him. He rebuilt the 

I This was in the thirteenth year of the reign, 1081 ▲.h. (1671 a-d.), aocording to 
the Ma-dtir'i ^Akmgiri, 



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288 EHAPr KHAN. 

forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and he con- 
structed also VQSsels of war, which were kept under the guns of 
the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships 
which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca. 

When Sivaji had satisfied himself of the security of R&jgarh, 
his old retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his 
thoughts towards finding some other more inaccessible hill as a 
place for his abode. After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of 
B&hirl,^ a very high and strong place. The ascent of this place 
was three kos^ and it was situated twenty-four koB from the sea ; 
but an inlet of the sea was about seven ko» from the foot of the 
hill. The road to Surat passed near the place, and that port was 
ten or twelve stages distant by land. B&jgarh was four or five stages 
off. The hills are very lofty and difficult of ascent. Bain fisdls 
there for about five months in the year. The place was a depen- 
dency of the Eokan, belonging to Niz&mu-l Mulk. Having fixed 
on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and 
bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither 
from B4jgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns 
were mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads 
around, leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day lie 
called an assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold 
bracelet worth a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered 
proclamation to be made that this would be given to any one 
who would ascend to the fort, and plant a flag, by any other than 
the appointed road^ without the aid of ladder or rope. A Dlier 
came forward, and said that with the permission of the Bdja he 
would mount to the top of the hill, plant the flag, and return. 
He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came down again, 
and made his obeisance. Sivaji ordered that the purse of money 
and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he should 
be set at liberty ; and he gave directions for closing the way by 
which the Dher had ascended. 

1 The name was afterwards changed to BM-garh. It lies due east of Jinjera. 
—See Grant Duff, toI. i. p. 190. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 289 

At the first, B&hiri was attached to the Kokan, and belonged 
to Niz&mu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of 
the dependencies of Bij&pur passed into the possession of the 
Emperor Sh&h Jah&n. When the Imperial government became 
friendly with Bij&pur, the Eokan, which had belonged to 
Niz&ma-l Malk^ was granted to 'i^dil Sh&h in exchange for 
territory newly acquired by Bij&pur. Fath Eh&n, an Afgh&n, 
was appointed governor of the coantry on the part of Bij&ptir, 
and he posted himself in the fort of Daud&-B&jpur(,^ which is 
situated half in the sea and half on land. Subsequently he built 
the fort of Jazira' upon an island in the sea, about a cannon-shot 
distant from Dand&-B&jpuri, in a very secure position, so that, if 
the governor of the country was hard pressed by an enemy, he 
might have a secure retreat in that place. 

After Sivaji had fixed his abode at B&h(ri, which is twenty 
ko% from Dand&-Il&jpdri, he appointed a commandant of that 
fortress. In a short time, he reduced and occupied seven 
other forts, small and great, in that neighbourhood, and then 
resolved upon the conquest of Dand&-B&jpurf. Fath Kh&n 
had observed the triumphant progress of Sivaji, and how fortress 
aft;er fortress had fallen into his hands. So Fath Kh&n lost 
courage ; he abandoned Dand&-B&jpuri, and retired to the island 
fortress in the sea. Sivaji then resolved to effect the conquest of 
the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath Kh&n 
was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender the 
place to Sivaji, upon a pledge of security to himself and the 
garrison. 

Fath Eh&n had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sidi 
Sambal, Sidi Y&kut, and Sidi Khairiyat, each of whom had 
ten Abyssinian slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The 
management of the island and of many domestic concerns was 
in the hands of these Abyssinians. These three men got infor- 

1 See tuprd p. 256. 

' Jazira, the isLand ; but it Ib more commonly known under the Marathi form 
•« Jinjera." 

TOL. VII. 19 



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290 EHAFf KHAN. 

mation of the enemy's power, and of Fath Kh&n's intention of 
sarrendering the island to Sivaji. They took counsel together, 
and resolved that no good could come from allowing the island to 
pass into the hands of any infidel. So they determined to take 
Fath Eh&n prisoner, and to make Sidi Sambal governor of the 
fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these Abyssinians 
seized Fath Eh&n unawares, placed chains upon his legs, and 
wrote a statement of the facts to 'X^l Sh&h Bij&puri. They 
also wrote to Kh&n-Jah&n, the S&baddr of the Dakhin, begging 
the aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his 
forces by sea from Surat. Kh&n-Jah&n graciously bestowed 
mansabs and presents on each of the three Abyssinians. 

Kh&n-Jah&n also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivaji. 
Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began 
the rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some 
ships of war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he 
attacked the vessels of Sivaji which lay near the fort of Danda- 
R&jpuri, and captured them with two hundred sailors trained 
for warlike work. One hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had 
lately been appointed to this duty by Sivaji. Stones were tied 
to the feet of these men, and they were thrown into the sea. 
From that day forth the animosity between the Abyssinians and 
Sivaji grew more violent. Sivaji collected forty or fifty vessels 
of war to defend the forts of Eal4ba and Grandiri, which were 
the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-shore. He 
then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of Jazira 
(Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were 
frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the 
Abyssinians were often victorious. 

Sidi Sambal was advanced to a mamab of 900, and then he 
died. Before he expired he made Sidi Yakut his successor, 
and enjoined all the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and 
cheerful obedience. Sidi Y&kut was distinguished among his 
people for courage, benignity and dignity. He now strove 
more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen the fortress. 



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MUNTAZHABU-L LUBAB. 291 

and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed and ready 
night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy, and 
cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. 
He used to write reports to Eh&u-Jah&n, and he frequently 
received marks of approbation from him. He was constantly 
revolving in his mind plans for wresting the fort of Dand&- 
R&jpuri from the hands of Sivaji. He got together some 
rockets,^ which he fastened to trees, and discharged them' at 
nicrht airainst the fort. 

Sivaji also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of 
Jazira. But he now retired to a dwelling about three koH to 
celebrate the holi^ leaving in command at B&jpuri some o£Blcers 
experienced in siege work, to prosecute incessantly the opera- 
tions against Jazira during his absence, and he held out to 
them the reward of a man of gold and other presents. One 
night, while the garrison of Dand&-R&jpurf were celebrating the 
holty and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sidi Y&kut sent on 
shore four or five hundred men under Sidi Ehairiyat with ropes, 
ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty 
boats laden with siege matMel under the walls of B&jpuri, and 
gave the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They 
found the garrison off their guard, and Sidi Khairiyat assaulted 
the place with loud cries from the land side. When the enemy 
took the alarm, and rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sidi 
Y&kut planted his scaling-ladders, which he had brought in his 
boats, and by means of these and of ropes, his brave followers 
scaled the walls, and quickly made their way up. Some of the 
assailants were cast into the sea, and were drowned, others fell 
under the swords of the defenders, but the storming party forced 
its way into the fort, and raised the cry, " Strike I kill ! '^ Just 
at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a 
number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sidi 
Y&ktit. The smoke and the noise made it difficult to dis- 
tinguish friend from foe, but Sidi Ydkut raised his war-cry, and 
^ Tophde-haiodi, lit. " aerial-guns." 



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292 KHAFf KHAN. 

encouraged his men to slaughter the defenders who had escaped* 
the fire. Sidi Khairiyat also scaled the walls on his side, and 
the place was taken. 

I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly 
heard from many men, and from the mouth of Y^tit Khan 
himself, that when the magazine blew up, although Sivaji was 
twenty koa off, it awoke him from sleep, and he said that some 
misfortune had fallen on Dand&-B&jpdri, and he sent men to 
ascertain what had happened. 

At this time Sivaji's ferces had gone to attack the neighbour- 
hood of Surat. Within the space of four or five koB from 
B&jpuri there were six or seven Niz&mu-l Mulki forts which had 
fallen into the hands of Sivaji, but he was unable at this time to 
render them any assistance. So Sidi Y£kut seized the oppor- 
tunity to attack them. Sis forts surrendered after two or three 
days' resistance, but the commandant of one fort held out for 
a week in the hope of relief from Sivaji. The Abyssinians 
pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a fire that he 
was obliged to surrender. Sidi Y&kdt granted quarter to the 
garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwith- 
standing his word, he made the children and pretty women 
slaves, and forcibly converted them to Isl&m. The old and ugly 
women he set free, but the men he put to death. This struck 
such terror into the hearts of Sivaji and his followers that he was 
obliged to confine himself to securing B&hirf . Sidi Y&kdt sent 
an account of his victory to Prince Muhammad Mu^azzam, 
Siibaddr of the Dakhin, and to Kh&n-Jah&n. His mamab was 
raised, a robe of honour was sent to him, and he received the 
title of Kh&n. Similar honours were also given to Sidi 
Khairiyat. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivaji that his son 
Sambh&, whom he had left at AU&h&b&d with the Brahman^ was 
dead, and Sambh&ji^s wife wanted to become a sa^l, * * but a 
few months afterwards the Br&hman arrived, bringing Sambh&ji 
with him. 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 293 



Taxes. 



[Text, vol. li. p. 229.] An order was promulgated exempting 
the commercial goods of Musulm&ns from tax throughout the 
dominions of Hinddst&n. But after a short time, upon the 
reports of the revenue officers, and by recommendation of good 
and experienced persons, an order was issued that every article 
belonging to Musulm&ns, the price of which was not large, should 
pass free; but that goods of value should pay duty. Goods 
belonging to partners were not to be troubled with duties. The 
revenue officers then reported that Musulm&ns had adopted the 
practice of dividing their goods into small parcels in order to 
avoid the duty, and that they passed the goods of Hindus in 
their names, and thus the payment of the mkdt prescribed by the 
Law was avoided. So an order was given that, according to the 
Law, two and a half per cent, should be taken from Musulmans 
and five per cent, from Hindus. 

[Disturbances among the Tusufzais,] 
War with Bijdpur. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 236.] In the sixteenth year of the reign, cor- 
responding to 1083 A,H. (1673 A.D.),^ Kh&n-Jahdn fought a battle 
with Bahlol, the Bij&pur general, near the town of Malkher,' about 
four stages from Bij&pur. * Isl&m £h&n Bumi fought splendidly, 
and the Imperial army was worsting the enemy in all directions, 
when an explosion of gunpowder took place, which so frightened 
the elephant of Isl&m Kh&n that the driver lost all control of it, 
and the animal carried off his rider to the lines of the enemy, 
where Isl&m Kh&n was dragged off the elephant and killed. A 
good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army was plundered, 
and many men were slain in the battle. * * Aurangzeb received 
the news of the defeat of Diler Kh&n and the death of Isl&m 

1 Just bofore this the dates become oonfuaed. 

* See Grant Duff, yol. i. p. 78. It lies about thirty miles south-east of Eulbarga. 



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294 KHAFr KHAN. 

Khan in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abd&l on his march 
against the Afgh&ns, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of 
his reign, and he was obliged to defer the punishment of the 
Dakhinis for the time. * * The Emperor returned from Hasan 
Abd&l to the capital at the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth 
year of his reign. 



jRiot of Hindu Devotees. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences 
of this year^ was the outburst of the Hindd devotees called Sat- 
ndmiSy who are also known by the name of Mundika. There 
were four or five thousand of these, who were householders in 
the parganaa of N&maul and Mew&t. These men dress like 
devotees, but they nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, 
though their trade is on a small scale. In the way of their 
religion they have dignified themselves with the title of ** Good 
name,^ this being the meaning of Sat'tidm. They are not 
allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If any 
one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise 
of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have 
weapons and arms. 

At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abd&l, 
a strong altercation arose one day near N&maul, between 
a man of this sect, who was engaged in agricultural work, 
and a man who was keeping watch over the harvest. The 
latter broke the Sat-ndmi's head with his stafi*. A number of 
Sat-ndmis then collected and beat the watchman, so that they 
left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkddr^ he 
assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sai-ndmis. 
Meantime numbers of the Sat-ndmis assembled. They attacked 
the shikkddr^a men^ overpowered them, wounded several, and 
took away their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and 

^ Aooording to the Ma^dsir, it was the fifteenth year. See iuprd, p. 185. 

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MUNTAEHABU-L LUBAB. 295 

information was carried to K&r-talab Eh£n, faujddr of N&rnaul. 
He sent a large force of horse and foot to the assistance of the 
ahikkddr^ and to punish and seize the rioters. The Sdt-ndmii 
fought this force also, wounded and killed a great many of them, 
and put the rest to flight. Matters grew worse, and the fwujddr 
set about collecting more men, both horse and foot, and called to 
his assistance the zamlnddrs of the neighbourhood. With his 
old and new men, and with the levies from the saminddrs^ he 
marched against the rioters, and gave them battle. He killed a 
good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to fly. 

To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights 
the faujddr was killed, and the town of Namaul fell into the hands 
of the Saf'tidmia. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the 
villages, and established posts of their own. When the Em- 
peror reached Dehli, he was informed of this outbreak, and he 
sent force after force to quell it, but they were all defeated and 
dispersed. It was said that swords, arrows, and musket-balls 
had no efiect upon these men, and that every arrow and ball 
which they discharged against the royal army brought down two 
or three men. Thus they were credited with magic and witch- 
craft, and stories were currently reported about them which were 
utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses 
. like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard. 

Qveskt rdjas and veteran amirs were sent against them with 
powerful armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and 
advanced to about sixteen or seventeen koa from Dehli. The 
royal army went forth boldly to attack them ; but the zaminddrs 
of the neighbourhood, and some cowardly M(\;p&t8, seized the 
opportunity to throw ofif their obedience, and to withhold the 
government duels. They even broke out into open violence, and 
the flames daily increased. The King ordered his tents to be 
brought out. He then wrote some prayers and devices with his 
own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the banners and 
standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by the 
exertions of K&ja Bishan Singh, H£mid Kh&n, and others, 



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296 KHAFf KHAN. 

several thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to 
flight, so that the outbreak was quelled. * * 

Re-Imposition of the Jizya. 

With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguish- 
ing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya^ or 
poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindus throughout all the 
proyinoes.^ Upon the publication of this order, the Hindds 
all round Dehli assembled in vast numbers under the jharokha 
of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent 
their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict. 
But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, 
wh^n he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the 
Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindds thronged the road from 
the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief. 
Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the 
Urdd bdzir^ mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work 
and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders 
were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the 
Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd in- 
creased, and the Emperor's equipage was brought to a stand-still. 
At length an order was given to bring out the elephants and 
direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death uhder 
the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindds 
continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at 
length they submitted to pay iYiejizya, 

Death of Edja Jaswant Singh. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] ^ Intelligence now arrived of the death 
of R&ja Jaswant Singh, who had gone to K&bul with reinforce- 

^ According to the Ma^dtir^ the jizya was imposed in Safar, 1090, in the 22nd 
year of the reign (1680 a.d.), and it is not associated with the outbreak of the 
Sat-nAmU, which, according to that work, occurred five years before. 

' See the account of this given by the Ma-dtir-i *A'lamgiri^ supid p. 187. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 297 

menis. After the death of the E&ja, his foolish servants took 
away the B&ja's two sons, named Ajit Singh and Dalathaman,^ 
who were of tender years, and the Rinis also. Without waiting 
for permission from Anrangzeb, and without even obtaining a 
pass from the Skbaddr of the province, they set off towards the 
capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they were unable 
to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to 
let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded 
some of his men, and by force made good their way over the 
river and went onwards towards Dehli. 

There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor'^s heart re- 
specting B&ja Jaswant's tribute, which was aggravated by these 
presumptuous proceedings of the Rajputs, He ordered the 
kofwdl to take his own men, with an additional force obtained 
from the mansabddrs^ as well as some artillery, and to surround 
the camp of the Bdjpiits, and keep guard over them. After some 
days, a party of BdjpuU sought permission to go home. Their 
request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right 
and proper, it was granted. 

Meanwhile the RhjpiiU had obtained two boys of the same 
age as the Rqja'a children. They dressed some of the female 
attendants in the garments of the rdnis^ and taking every pre- 
caution that their stratagem should not be discovered^ they left 
these women and the boys under guard in their camp. The 
(real) rdnisy disguised as men, went off at night in charge of 
two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rt^piits^ and made 
their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and 
active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them, 
were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended 
children of the Rdja were. After two or three watches, when 
a report of the &ct was made, some officials were sent to make 
inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the rdnk and the 
children were still there. Orders were then given for taking 
all the RdjWs followers into the fortress. The Rdjp&ts and the 



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298 XHAFf KHAN. 

disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour 
of their Bdja, made a determined resistance. Many were killed, 
but a party escaped. 

The flight of the ranis was not clearly proved. Some men, 
who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence 
in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that 
the tDosiir had sent out a force to secure them. The royal 
forces went in pursuit twenty kos from Dehli, but they could 
not overtake the Rajputn^ and returned unsuccessful. The two 
(substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the 
royal harem^ and were there brought up. The two boys which 
the R^'piita carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurang- 
zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of 
Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the B&n& of Chitor, 
who married Ajit Singh to a girl of his family. 



The lidnd and other Rdjputs. Defection of Prince Ahbar, 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zi-1 hijja of the 
twenty-second year of the reign, Aui*angzeb started from Ajmir, 
with the intention of bringing the refractory Rdjpiits to punish- 
ment. * * A strict farmdn was sent to the R&n£ of Chitor, 
calling upon him to assent to the payment of the jizya^ and 
directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpur the two 
alleged sons of R&ja Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at 
Ajinfr, the array marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpur, 
and other Rajput districts. The Rdnd^ feeling himself incapable 
of resistance, sent his takils with tribute and a letter declaring his 
obedience in the matter of the jizya^ but offering to give over 
two or three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared 
that he was not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally 
begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Eh&n- Jali&n 
Bah&dur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and re- 
turned to Dehli. His journey to Ajmir and back occupied seven 
months and twenty days. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 299 

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited R&n& had 
again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so 
that Eh&n- Jah&n could bring him to no final settlement. This 
kindled the flames of the Emperor's wrath, and towards the end 
of the same year, he set off again to Ajmir, with the intention of 
punishing the R&na and the other evil-disposed Rc^'piits. He 
wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the 
Uakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered to 
march with all speed from Bengal. When the King'^s tents were 
pitched near Ajmir, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a 
large force to attack and chastise the R&n&. Sh&h Euli Xh&u, 
who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Kh&n, 
was placed in command of his advanced guard. 

When the R&n& heard of these preparations, he laid l/dipdr, his 
capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of 
himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult 
passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with 
a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another 
force was sent to ravage the country of the R&n&, and destroy the 
crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu^azzam arrived at Ujjain, 
he was directed to march against the lake of An&-s&gar, which 
belonged to the R&n&, and was about eighty kos from Ajmir, His 
orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to 
trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses. 

It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'*zam had 
shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, 
that he'had compressed four mouths^ march into less than one, and 
came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the 
mountains and central fastnesses of the Ran&, into the territories 
of the Rdhtors^ and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among 
the RdjphU, He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing 
the transport of supplies to the R&n&, and in stopping cultiva- 
tion. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Rdhtors^ belonging to 
theterritories of Jaswant, and other RqfpiitSy assembled to support 
the R£n&, and had the boldness to attack the royal forces^ and to 



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300 KHAFI KHAN. 

fall upon their 8applies. They allured several thousand of the 
royal forces into the heart of the R&n&*8 fastnesses. There they 
attacked them, and killed many, hoth horse and foot; but the 
royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstand- 
ing that the Rdjpiits held all the roads through the hills, and 
came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince's 
forces by surprise, the Prince's army fought bravely, and 
Tahawwur Kh&n and others rendered distinguished service in 
chastising the enemy. They employed themselves in laying 
waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting 
down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children 
of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places. 

Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amin Eh&n, SUbaddr 
of Ahmad&b&d, directing him to take up a position with his forces 
between Ahmad&bfid and the territories of the B&jputs, and to 
march against them wherever he heard of them. Kh&n-Jah&n 
Bah&dur Eokalt&sh was re-appointed Siihaddr of the Dakhin, and 
sent to lay siege to the fort of Salir,^ which had fallen into the 
possession of the enemy. 

When the B&n& was hard pressed, and bis allies were crippled, 
when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was 
to be found, the R&n& and the Edhtor Rdjpiits had recourse again 
to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince 
Muhammad Mu'azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor 
for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them. 
The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Naw&b B&i, 
the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, 
gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from 
yielding an assent ; and from giving any aid, assistance, or inter* 
cession on behalf of the Rajpid%. She even persuaded him not 
to allow the vahiU of the B&n& to approach him. When they 
despaired of success in this quarter, the RdjpiiU betook them- 
selves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his 

1 Or *< S&lhlr *' in the Gh&ts of Bagl&na, see wpr^ p. 66. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 301 

yonth^ and the favour of some of his friends. Durg& D&s was 
their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility, 
and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that 
they would supply him with forty thousand Sdjp&t horse, and 
with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he 
was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their 
persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from 
the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he 
fell into the snares of the B/d^piits, 

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, when he heard of these doings, 
wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince^ to whom 
he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, 
informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all 
their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against 
being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of 
Muhammad Akbar ; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the 
name of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at the time when Aurangzeb 
was at Hasan Abd&l. The infidels had addressed themselves to 
Prince Muhammad Mu^azzam in the first instance, and Aurang- 
zeb had received information about it, so he now thought that 
Mu'azzam's letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny. 
Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false 
charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the 
right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil sugges- 
tions of designing people. 

Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand 
Rdjpiita under Durg& D&s joined the Prince. The news 
spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old. 
It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that 
coins had been struck in his name ; that Tahawwur Kh&n had 
been made a haft-hazdri^ and had received the title oiAmiru-l 
umard; that Muj&hid Eh&n, and other great servants of the 
State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished 
hpnours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to 
accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections 
of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb. 



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302 KHAFf KHAN. 

On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince 
Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Eh&n and a limited 
number of officers and men were left in attendance upon the 
Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers, 
did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great 
panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed. 
A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to 
Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, urging him to come with all his 
army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the 
Prince received it, he marched without a moment's delay to 
join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under 
protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten 
days' journey into the space of two or three, he joined his fether, 
bringing with him Prince Mu''izzu-d din and Muhammad ^Azim. 

When Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived with his nine or ten 
thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty 
force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad 
Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had 
any hope of escape. The expressions of some of Prince Mu- 
hammad Mu^azzam's thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb's 
caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he 
thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed 
against the Prince's army, and he sent a message desiring the 
Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in all speed with 
his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to 
wait upon his Either. 

The precautions taken by the RdjpiiU prevented intelli- 
gence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad 
Akbar. Shah&bu-d din, son of Kalich Eh&n, a brave and 
intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On 
coming in sight of the Prince's army, Shah&bu-d din's brother, 
Mujahid Kh&n, who was with the Prince, and had found it 
necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape, 
went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would 
go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince'*s side. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 303 

Permission being given, Muj&hid Kh&n took all the money and 
valaables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two 
brothers then went together to the Emperor. 

Aarangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news 
which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the 
two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that 
Shah&bu-d din should be addressed with the title of Eh&n, 
and he also conferred great favours on Muj&hid Kh&n. From 
the latter he learnt the state of the Princess army, and 
about those who were acting with him from choice or from 
necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it 
was ascertained that after the departure of Mujdhid Kh&n, 
dissensions had arisen in the Prince'^s army. 

Khw&ja Mak&rim, a confidential adherent of Prince Mu- 
hammad Mu'^azzam, led an advanced force towards the army 
of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The 
Khw&ja was wounded, and so were two or three men on 
the other side; but lie ascertained that Tahawwur Kh&n had 
advanced from the Princess army with a small escort, intend- 
ing to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On this being 
reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Kh&n 
should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. 
The Kh&n demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Mu- 
hammad Mu^azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It 
was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Kh&n had come, 
under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known 
his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb's anger 
blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered 
that the Kh&n should be allowed to enter with his arms. Bat 
one of the attendants, in an Insulting way, placed his hand upon 
the Kh&n's breast to stop him. The Kh&n struck him a blow on 
the face and retreated, but his foot caught in a rope, and he fell 
down. Cries of " Strike ! slay!" arose on all sides. Numbers fell 
upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off. 
After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his 



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304 KHAFt KHAN. 

clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real 
intentions were. 

The author of this work heard from Khwdja Mak&rim, 
afterwards J&n-nis&r Kh&n, and from several of his contem- 
poraries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Kh&n returned in 
good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from 
'In&yat Eh&n, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of 
Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off bis arms was an 
insult to his position, his services, and his character. However it 
may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince's army, 
and among his BdjpitSy and they were much dispirited. 

It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a 
letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should 
fall into the hands of the RdjpiiU. In it he praised the Prince for 
having won over the Rqjputa as he had been instructed, and that 
now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position 
where they would be under the fire of both armies. This letter 
was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I 
have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the 
mighty force which Prince Akbnr brought against his father, the 
sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but liis army was 
completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the 
Rdjpids had abandoned him. There remained with him only 
Durgd D&9, two or three confidential officers of the B&n&, and a 
small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old 
servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, 
self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took 
to flight. * * Prince Muhammad Mu'az£am was ordered to 
pursue him. 

TVenty-Third Tbar of the Eeign, 1090 a.h. (1679-80 a.d.). 

Affairs of the Dakhin. Death of Sivaji. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 270.] Kh&n-Jah&n Bah&dur Kokaltfish, 
after arriving at the Kkujista-bunj/dd Aurang&b&d, according to 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 305 

order, laid siege to the fort of Sdlir. Many Rdjpitis were killed, and 
maDy Musulm&ns also fell. He pressed the siege for four or five 
months, but making no impression, he withdrew to Aurang&b&d. 

The hell-dog Sivaji went forth with an army on a plundering 
expedition, and while Kh&n-Zam&n, the Subaddr^ was at 
Burh&npur, he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of 
Dharan-ganw,^ one of the most flourishing places in that 
country. » » * Afterwards he ravaged and burnt Chopra ^ 
and other parganas. He then marched against Jalna, a rich 
mercantile place in the Bal&gh&t.* * * In the course of the 
same year he was attacked with illness and died.' The date of 
his death is found in the words, "JTif/Jr ba-jahannam raft,*' 
*' The infidel went to hell," which was discovered by the writer 
of these pages. Sivaji left two sons, Sambhd and E&m E&ja. ' 
The former succeeded him. He made E!abkalas,^ the Brdhman 
who brought him from AUah&b&d, his minister. 

Sivaji had always striven to maintain the honour of the 
people in' his territories. He persevered in a course of rebel- 
lion, in plundering caravans, and troubling mankind; but he 
entirely abstained from other disgraceful acts, and was careful to 
maintain the honour of the women and children of Muhammadaus 
when they fell into his hands. His injunctions upon this point 
were very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received 
punishment. But the sou, unlike his father, obtained an evil 
name by collecting round him women of all tribes, and by assail- 
ing the honour of the women of the places in which he dwelt. 
His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and 
plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack 
upon Aurang&b&d and Burh&npdr, the provincial capitals of the 

> These places lie about 70 miles west of Barb&nptir. Chopra is the most 
northerly. See auprd, p. 16. ' See suprd^ p. 17. 

s <* On the 24th Eabru-1 ftkhir, StT& retomed from riding ; he was oreroome by 
the heat, yomited blood, and expired." — Mo'dsiru-l ^Alamgiri, 

4 Both the MSB. used agree with the printed text in this spelling of the name 
(see iuprdy p. 285) ; but Grant Duff, who refers to our author, writes the name 
<* Xuloosha," and is followed by Elphinstone with " Calusha." 



20 



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306 EHAFr KHAN. 

Imperial dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack 
upon these places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it ; "for/' 
said he, '^if we attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will 
be wounded^ and he will march hither himself, and then, God 
knows how the strife will end ! ^ 

When Sivaji was dead, his wretched son Sambh& desired to 
surpass his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and 
on the 20th Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the 
reign, corresponding with 1091 a.h. (15th February, 1680), he 
attacked E&kar Eh&n Afgh&n, who acted as collector of the 
jistyaj under Kh&n-Zam&n, the Sibaddr of the Dakhin. Sambhd 
was returning with nearly twenty thousand men from a plundering 
expedition in Bir&r. He made a forced march of three or four 
kos^ as was the practice in those days, and early in the morning 
made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his 
approach. Thus he fell upon Bah&dur-pur, one kos and a half 
from Burh&npdr. This place was rich, and there were many 
bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all 
parts of the world were found there in vast abundance. He 
surrounded and attacked this place, and also another town called 
Hafda-pura, which was outside of the fortifications, and his 
attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bah&dur- 
pur, that no one was able to save a ddm or a diram of his 
property, or a single one of his wives and children. 

E!&kar Kh&n, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these 
towns rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out 
and attack the plunderers, so he shut himself up within the walls 
and looked after the security of his gates and defences. Seven- 
teen other places of note, such as Hasan-pura, etc., in the 
neighbourhood of the city, all wealthy and flourishing places, 
were plundered and burnt. Many honourable men girded on 
their swords, and, joining in the fight, attained martyrdom. 
Others submitted themselves humbly to the will of God. Some 
who were near the fortress took their wives and children by the 
hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three days the 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 307 

• 
plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of 

money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for 
long periods, and sometimes in placed unknown even to the 
householders. They then repeatedly attempted to carry the 
fortress by assault. But the officers took their stations at the 
gates and other points of attack, and with great bravery beat off 
the assailants. Being unable to enter the city^ the plunderers 
carried off with them the gold, silver, jewels, and other articles 
of value which were portable ; but many other things which they 
had taken they were obliged to leave behind, because they could 
not carry them. The property which was thrown into the streets 
of the bdzdrs and burnt exceeded all computation. 

Intelligence of this raid upon the neighbourhood of Burh&npur 
was carried by runners to Aurang&b&d, to Eh&n- Jah&n Bah&dur 
Eokalt&sh. He immdiately took horse, and accomplished three 
or four days' march in one day and night, and reached the pass of 
Fard&pdr, thirty-two ko8 distant. There it became necessary to 
wait three or four watches to rest the animals, and to provide 
means for crossing the river. According to the current reports 
of some men who took a worldly view of things, and had a bad 
opinion of Eh&n-Jah&nt some emissaries of Sambh&j{ came to 
him with an immense sum of money, and prevailed upon him to 
halt there for four or five watches. One thing is certain. After 
the enemy were repulsed from Burh&nptir, the burden of their 
plunder, and the knowledge of Kh&n- Jah&n^s pursuit, prevented 
them from reaching their renowned but distant fortresses.* They 
were obliged to go to the fort of Sfilir, in Baglana, which was the 
nearest of their strongholds. They went by way of Mustafa- 
&b&d or Chopra. Under these circumstances the proper course 
for Eh&n-Jahdn was to leave Farddpur without delay, and, 
bearing towards his left hand, to pass through Dharan-gdnw and 
Chopra, to intercept the marauders. But, through the represen- 
tations of Sambhfiji^s emissaries, he went towards his right hand, 
contrary to what was desirable, and proceeded to Tdal-dbdd. 
When the enemy heard this, he made the most of his opportu- 



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308 KHAFr KHAN. 

nity, and carried off all the plunder he could transport, and all 
his prisoners^ by a rapid march, through Chopra, to the fort of 
S&lir, which he reached in four or five days. The principal 
inhabitants of Burh&npdr wrote a statement to Aurangzeb, 
describing the success of the enemy, the loss inflicted on the 
property and honour of Muhammadans, and the discontinuance 
of the public prayers on Fridays. Aurangzeb then wrote a 
letter strongly censuring Kh&n-Jah&n, and announcing his own 
intention of proceeding to the Dakhin. In his anger be took 
away from Kh&n-Jah&n all the increased honours and emolu- 
ments he had conferred upon him in that year. Considering the 
disorders in the Dakhin, and the flight of Prince Muhammad 
Akbar, he gave orders for his travelling equipage to move 
towards Burh&npur. 

Twenty-fourth Year of the Rbion, 1091 a.h. (1680 a.d.). 

Prince Akbar. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 275.] When Prince Muhammad Akbar 
took to flight, not more than three or four hundred men remained 
with him. Some of them were his own old followers, and others 
were Rajputs. * * All his property and treasure and guns fell 
into the hands of the royal army, as well as one son, a boy of 
tender years, named Nekd Siyar, and two daughters. One son, 
who had arrived at years of discretion, remained with the Rc^puU. 
The Prince himself was distracted, and knew not whither to go. 
At one time he thought of going to Dehli and L&hore by way of 
Ajmir. Then he proposed to go to Persia. Whichever way he 
turned, the faujddr% and zaminddrsy under orders from the Em- 
peror, blocked his way. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam received 
orders to pursue him ; but the common report is that he only 
made a feint of doing so, and marched leisurely. 

Akbar proceeded by way of L&hore and Mult&n, and under 
the guidance of the zaminddrs he then passed by difficult roads 
through the hills towards the Dakhin. * * Orders had been 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 309 

repeatedly sent to Kh&D-Jah^ Bahadur, Skbaddr of the 
Dakhin, and to all the favjddr%^ directing them to stop him 
wherever he might come, to take him prisoner alive if possible, 
if not, to kill him. Under these orders Eh&n-Jah&n pursued 
the Prince with the intention of making him prisoner. He 
came within fourteen or fifteen "ko^ of him, but on approaching 
nearer he made only a feint of arresting him. The fact was 
reported to the Emperor by Mir Nuru-llah, who was very 
unceremonious in these matters. A strong letter of censure 
was written upon the matter, and strict directions were sent 
to all the news-writers. 

Prince Akbar then proceeded to Bagl&na, to the territory 
of B&ja Debi Singh, the commandant and faujddr of Malir. 
R&ja Debi sent out a force to take him prisoner; but when 
the force followed, the Prince escaped from Bagl&na. A few 
of his BAjpiiU remained behind, and these were taken to 
the Bdja. Whilst the B&ja was making inquiries of these 
men, another party of his horsemen overtook one of the 
Prince's followers, who had upon his back a blood-stained 
jacket belonging to the Prince, but which he had thrown 
off in consequence of the heat. They attacked and wounded 
this man, and carried him off to the B&ja, under the impression 
that he was the Prince. The B£ja did not believe it, and abused 
his men for their stupidity. Prince Akbar, after passing through 
the territories of the Firingis, found unquiet refuge for a while in 
the hills of Bagl&na. By means of a bribe of money, he induced 
the hill-men to guide him to B&hiri, belonging to Sambhd. 
This chieftain came forth to receive him, gave him a house of 
his own to dwell in, about three ko% from the fort of B&hiri, and 
fixed an allowance for his support. 

Twenty-fifth Year of the Reign, 1092 a.h. (1681 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. li. p. 278.] After the '*Td4fitr^ Aurangzeb started 
for the Dakhin, to punish the infidels, and to pursue Prince 



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310 KHAPr KHAN. 

Muhammad Akbar. * * On the 14th Zi-1 kaMa he reached 
Burh&npur, the Ddru-s %uriiT (abode of joy). Kh4n-Jah4n 
Bah&dur, the S^baddr^ and Amin Kb&n, the Litcdn of the four 
Mas of the Dakhin, with the faujddra and the officials and 
nobles there, waited upon him. Many great men of Bij&pur, of 
the Eutb-Sh&hi dynasty, and of the Mahrattas, also came to pay 
their respects. 

The infidel inhabitants of the city and the country round 
made great opposition to the payment of the Jizya. There 
was not a district where the people, with the help of the 
faujddra and mukaddams^ did not make disturbances and re- 
sistance. Mir ^Abdtt-l Earim, an excellent and honest man, 
now receiyed orders to collect the jizya in Burh&npdr. A 
suitable force of horse and foot was appointed to support him, and 
the kotwdl was directed to punish every one who resisted payment. 

A fire broke out in a house near the citadel and the chauk. 
There were several sacks ^ of powder in the house, the roof was 
blown off, and many men were burnt. It came to Aurangzeb's 
knowledge that there were thirty sacks of gunpowder in a cellar 
under his sleeping apartment. An investigation was made, and it 
appeared that at the very commencement of the reign, when 
Aurangzeb left Burhinpdr to proceed to Dehli, the gunners left 
this powder there, and during all that time it had never been 
taken out. The Emperor severely censured the officials who 
were answerable for this neglect, and degraded some of them. 
He told them that if this had happened in the reign of Jah&ugir, 
that King would have blown them all up with the powder. 
Aurangzeb^s humanity and kindness was such that the severest 
punishment was reduction of dignity, and this even was soon 
restored through the intercession and kind offices of men high in 
office. 

Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasantly at 
Burh&npur ; he then left for Aurangdbdd. Before he departed, 
Mir ^Abdu-1 Karlm, the Amin-i jizya^ reported that the jizya 



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MIJNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 311 

of the city of Barh&npur for the past year, amounting to 26,000 
rupees, had been paid into the public treasury. During the 
three months that he had been in office, he had settled the sum 
of one lac and 80,000 rupees as the amount payable by half the 
towns connected with Burh&npdr. He now hoped that he might 
be allowed to leave with His Majesty, and that the collection of 
the Jizya might be deputed to some one else. He was applauded 
and promoted. He was allowed to accompany the Emperor, and 
his deputies were to collect the tax. * * 

After Aurangzeb reached Aurang&b&d, Prince Muhammad 
Mu'^azzam was sent to take the forts and punish the infidels 
of B&m-darra in the Eokan ; and Prince Muhammad A'zam 
was directed to reduce the fort of S&Kr, near the fort of 
Malir in Bagl&na, which had been held for some time by 
the Mahrattas. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam penetrated into 
the Kokan, and passing through its inmost recesses, passes 
and thick woods, he laid the country waste in all directions, 
and put many infidels to the sword. Khw&ja Abii-1 Mak&rim, 
afterwards J&n-nis&r Eh&n, and others, greatly distinguished 
themselves in this campaign ; but the grain and millet and 
vetches of that country were injurious to strangers, and the 
climate was very uncongenial to camels and horses. Men 
in great numbers and quadrupeds beyond compute perished. 
Horses were so scarce that there was not one left in the stable of 
the Prince which was fit to carry him. Most men were obliged to 
walk, and no provisions arrived, for the enemy closed the roads 
on every side. Life became insupportable, and it was impossible 
for the Prince to remain there. On the fiicts being reported to 
the Emperor, he gave orders for the recall of the army. 

Twenty-sixth Tear of the Beign, 1093 a.h. (1682 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 281.] The fort of S&lir, against which 
Prince Muhammad A'zam had been sent, is not one capable of 
investment. It is near the sea, and there are so many ravines 



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312 EHAFr KRXS. 

near, that hundreds of thousands of horsemen could not invest 
that lofty fortress. * * Nekn&m Kh&n was ooramandant of 
Malir and faujddr of Bagl&na. When the Prince was ordered 
to conquer it, Nekn&m opened negociations with the commandant 
of S41ir, and by promises and presents, • * induced him to sur- 
render the fortress. 

\Three officers in succession, Shahdbu-d din, Khdn-Jahdn, and 
Kdsim Khdny/ail to take the fortress of Bdm SiJ.'] 

Prince Akbar. 

[vol. ii. p. 284.] When Prince Akbar went to Rdhiri, and 
became the guest of the accursed Sambh&, he was at first treated 
very kindly and respectfully, and provision was made for the 
necessary expenses of his followers. One day a kdzi in the 
presence of Muhammad Akbar, in a stupid flattering way, said to 
Sambh&, ^'May all the Mah&raja's enemies be trodden under 
foot." The Prince heard this, and being angry, reprimanded the 
kdzi for his folly. He also told Sambh& that such vain words 
ought not to be spoken in his (the Princess) presence, and that it 
was also unbecoming in Sambh& to listen to them. The report 
also came that an army had been sent under the command of 
rtik&d Kh&n to effect the conquest of B&hiri. Prince Muhammad 
Akbar therefore thought it advisable to make his way as best he 
could to Persia. He bought two small ships, furnished them with 
provisions for forty days, and was about to start. Sidi Y&kdt 
Kh&n Habshf, who scoured the seas in those parts, was at first 
desirous of stopping the progress of the Prince, but he at last 
connived at it. The Prince, with Zi&u-d din Muhammad Shuji'i 
and forty or fifty persons, put his trust in God and embarked on 
his voyage. His ships were separated and endured great distress, 
the account of which would be too long for admission here. 

Through stress of weather, the Princess ship fell upon an 
island belonging to the Imfim of Maskat. The people of the 
island made him prisoner and sent him to the Im&m. This ruler 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 313 

is one of the great zaminddrs or rulers who are dependent on 
Persia. He affected to treat the Prince with hospitality and 
respect ; but in reality he kept him under surveillance, and wrote 
to Aurangzeb offering to surrender the Prince for the sum of two 
lacs of rupees and for a charter exempting goods carried in the 
ships of M askat from the payment of duty in the port of Surat. 
If Aurangzeb would send one of his officers, the Im&m promised 
to give up the Prince. 

Upon receiving this letter, Aurangzeb wrote to the officials of 
the port of Surat, directing them to act in accord with the propo- 
sition of the Im&m. So the people at Surat sent Hfiji F&zil, an 
old sailor in the royal service, to take Prince Akbar in charge. 
When intelligence of Prince Akbar^s arrival in Maskat, and the 
evil designs of the Im&m, became known to the King of Persia, 
he issued peremptory commands to the Imdm, directing him to 
send the Prince (his guest) to him without delay, or an army 
would be appointed to deliver him and punish the Im&m. So 
preforce the Im&m delivered up the Prince to the Sh&h's officers. 

* * When the Prince approached Isfah&n, Sh&h Sulaim&n went 
forth to meet him. * * On the death of Sh&h Sulaim&n, his 
successor showed the Prince even greater hospitality and at- 
tention, so that the Prince asked for an army and money to assist 
him in Hindust&n. Sh&h Husain excused himself, * * and the 
Prince then asked permission to go to Garmsir in Khur&s&n. * * 
This was granted, and provision was made for his maintenance. 

* * He retired thither, and died there towards the close of the 
reign of Aurangzeb. 

TWENTY-SBVENTH YeAR OF THE EeIGN, 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] The author of this work has not been able 
to obtain such satis&ctory accounts of these two or three years 
{in do sih sdl)^ as to be worthy of being committed to writing. 

* * But he has here recorded what he has heard from the mouths 
of trustworthy witnesses; also what he heard from his late 



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314 KHAFt KHAN. 

brother, Muhammad Mur&d Kh&n, who was a servant of the 
Court, and on whose statements he places implicit trust ; and 
lastly, what the author himself witnessed in his travels and at 
Haidar&b&d. He has compared and considered the information 
derived from these various sources, and has reduced it to writing. 
If there should appear to be any excess or deficiency, the pardon 
of the reader is solicited. 



Siege of Bdm-darra. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 290.] In the beginning of the twenty- 
seventh year Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam marched from 
Ahmadnagar to lay siege to the forts of B&m-darra, belonging 
to Sambhd, which were in a part of the country never before 
penetrated by an Imperial army. * * The roll of his army 
numbered 20,000 horse. ♦ * On the march through the narrow 
passes, there were many sharp fights with the enemy, in which 
numbers of the royal soldiers fell ; but the enemy were put 
to flight. On reaching the village of S&mpgAnw, the fort of 
that place was invested. The besiegers showed great bravery, 
and took the fort in two days. They then entered the country 
of B£m-darra. It was in a very strong position, and the air 
of the place did not suit the invaders. The enemy swarmed 
around on every side, and cut off the supplies. On one side 
was the sea, and on two other sides were mountains full of 
poisonous trees and serpents. The enemy cut down the grass, 
which was a cause of great distress to man and beast, and they 
had no food but cocoa-nuts, and the grain called kiidiin^ which 
acted like poison upon them. Great numbers of men and horses 
died. Grain was so scarce and dear that wheat flour sometimes 
could not be obtained for less than three or four rupees. Those 
men who escaped death dragged on a half existence, and with 
crying and groaning felt as if every breath they drew was their 
last. There was not a noble who had a horse in his stable fit 
for use. When the wretched state of the royal army became 



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MTTNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 315 

known to Aurangzeb, he sent an order to the oflScers of the port 
of Surat, directing them to put as much grain as possible on 
board of ships, and send it to the Prince's succour by sea. The 
enemy got intelligence of this, and as the ships had to pass by 
their newly-erected fortresses, they stopped them on their way, 
and took most of them. A few ships escaped the enemy, and 
reached their destination; but no amir got more than two or three 
polos of com. The order at length came for the retreat of the 
army, and it fell back fighting all the way to Ahmadnagar, where 
Aurangzeb then was. 

KutbtL-l Mulk. 

[vol. ii. p, 292.] It now became known to the Emperor that 
Abu-1 Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, Sovereign of Haidar&b&d, had en- 
trusted the government of his kingdom to M&dan& and j^kaud, 
two infidels, who were bitter enemies to the Musulmins, and 
brought great and increased troubles upon them. The King 
himself was given up to lux^^y, drinking and debauchery. * ♦ 
Aurangzeb having turned his attention to the conquest of Haidar- 
&b&d, and the subjugation of Abu-1 Hasan, he first sent Kh&n- 
Jahdn Kokalt&sh with his sons and * * with a detachment against 
certain adherents of Abu-1 Hasan, who had taken possession of 
some districts dependent upon Zafar-nagar, on the pretence that 
they had formerly formed part of the country of Teling&na. 
Their instructions were to chastise these men, and to recover the 
districts. After this. Prince Muhammad Mu'^azzam with * * 
were sent to efiect the conquest of the country of Telingdna. 

Aurangzeb now sent Mirz& Muhammad, the superintendent of 
his ghml'khdna^ to Abd-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, with a message 
to this effect : " It has come to our hearing that you have two 
very fine diamonds of 150 aurkhs in weight, with sundry other 
rarities. We wish you to ascertain the value of these gems, and 
to send them to us for the balance of tribute due.'' But he told 
his envoy confidentially that he did not send him to obtain the 



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316 KHAFr KHAN. 

two diamonds, which he did not at all want, bat rather to 
ascertain the truth of the evil reports which had reached him. * * 
Upon the arrival of Mirz& Muhammad, he demanded the 
diamonds, according to his instructions. Abd-'l Hasan swore 
that he had no such gems, and that if he had, he would have 
been happy to send them without any demand being made for 
them. * * Such stones as his predecessors possessed had been 
sent to the late Emperor. * * 

Mirz& Muhammad returned, and Abii-l Hasan learnt that 
armies had been sent against him under the command of Kh&n- 
Jah&n and Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. He then sent 
Ibr&him Kh&n, otherwise called Husaini, who had received the 
title of Khalilu-Uah Kh&n, and was commander-in-chief, and one 
of the chief nobles of Haidar&b&d, with ♦ *, and a force of thirty 
or forty thousand horse, to oppose the armies sent against him. 

When the two armies approached each other, between the 
territories of Bijfipur and Haidar&b&d, Prince Muhammad 
Mu'azzam was desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in 
his power. He sent a message to Khalilu*llah Kh&n, offering 
peace, on the following terms. Abd-1 Hasan must express 
regret for his offences, and ask forgiveness. He must remove 
M&danfi and Akand from the management of affairs, and 
place them in confinement. The parganas of Sirara, B&mg{r, 
etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust grounds, from 
the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must be 
restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without 
delay. The foolish amin of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent 
improper answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So prepara- 
tions for battle were made on both sides. 

The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed 
account of all the actions fought by Kh&n-Jahfin Bah&dur 
Kokalt&sh ; but a short account of one engagement is given. In 
this action Kh&n-Jah&n had not more than ten or eleven 
thousand horse, and KhaKlu-llah Kh&n had more than thirty 
thousand. * * Kh&n-Jah&n's army was so outnumbered and 



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MTJNTAKHABU.L LUB^^B. 317 

overpowered that all chance of escape seemed difficult, and the 
enemy's forces came on every moment with greater strength. * * 
One of the enemy's chiefs pressed forward, with a loud cry, to 
the elephant of Kh&n-Jah&n, with the intention of hurling a 
javelin at him. Kh&n-Jah&n encountered him, shouting out, 
^'I am a nobleman,'*^ and, allowing him no time to throw his 
javelin, Eh&n-Jahan drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his 
assailant with an arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse. 
The royal army was still very hard pressed, intelligence con- 
stantly came in from the front and rear that the enemy were in 
overwhelming force, and the only course left for the army of 
Kh&n-Jah&n was to retreat. At this juncture the driver of an 
elephant belonging to B&ja B&m Singh placed a heavy chain 
in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy^s advanced 
force. ♦ * Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the 
chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy. 
The horses of two or three officers took fright, and threw their 
riders. Thus the army of the enemy was put to flight, and 
Eh&n-Jah&n celebrated his victory, and pitched his camp on the 
field of battle. Many horses, elephants, and guns fell into his 
hands. * ♦ He then sent an officer who wrested the fort of 
Siram from the hands of the enemy, and 'placed a garrison 
therein. * * 

The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu''azzam, and for 
some days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began 
and went on for three days, with great loss to both sides. 
On the fourth day the action was continued with increased 
violence, and the enemy were at length compelled to retreat. 
The Prince, Kh&n- Jah&n, and the other Imperial officers, did not 
deem it expedient to pursue them. They determined to remain 
where they were, and sent a despatch of the victory to Aurangzeb. 
The Emperor had for some time felt a little dissatisfied with the 
Prince, and he was displeased with Kh&n-Jah&n for the licence 
and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and which he 
had repeatedly censured without efiect. He was also annoyed 



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318 KHAPr KHAN. 

with him for not having pnrsned and secured Prince Akbar 
when that Prince was near his territory. * * Whenever he 
vrrote to him, he got a saucy answer. For these and other 
reasons Aurangzeb was quite offended with Kh&n-Jah&n. 

Twenty-eighth Tear of the Beign, 1096 a.h. (1684 a.d.). 

The War with Kutbthl Mulk of Hcddardbdd. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 300.] The despatch of victory and the in- 
telligence of the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but 
his satisfaction was turned into displeasure when he learnt that 
the enemy had not been pursued. He wrote an angry letter to 
the Prince Sh&h ^^lam,^ and to Sh&n-Jah&n, and was much 
dissatisfied. The generals of Abu-1 Hasan did not after this 
dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time to time 
roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night with 
rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in reconnoissances 
by day, and fell back upon their camp. The Prince and Kh&n- 
Jah&n were offended, and made no attack upon them, and re- 
mained for four or five months inactive without moving. This 
aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of 
censure with his own hand to the Prince and Xh&n- Jah&n. This 
letter greatly incensed the Prince. 

The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council 
of war with Kh£n- Jahan, and the other nobles. * * Eh&n- 
Jah&n was opposed to fighting, and some amirs agreed with 
him. Saiyid *Abdu-llah Kh&n and two or three r^yaa advised 
active operations. Nothing was decided that day, and next 
day Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah Kh&n in private [urged an attack upon 
the enemy]. Prince Sh&h 'Alam wrote to Muhammad Ibr&him, 
the commander of the enemy's army, offering terms of peace on 
condition of the parganaa of Siram, Kir (or Khir), etc., being 
restored to the Imperial officers. * * Muhammad Ibr&him con- 

^ Prince Ha'aziam had reoeiyed this title, by which he is hereafter called. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 319 

salted with his officers as to the answer to be gi^en, * * and the 
answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point 
of the sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. * * 
[^Fighting recommenced^'} and the enemy were at length defeated 
and put to flight. The Prince pursued them into their camp, 
and great consternation fell upon them. 

One of the enemy^s generals then sent two officers to the royal 
army to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul- 
m&ns, and therefore the honour and safety of the wamen should 
be regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to 
remove the women to a place of safety, and after that they would 
be ready to fight again. * * So the fighting and plundering was 
stayed. The enemy sent their women to a fort which was near, 
and at the end of three pahara the fighting recommenced on every 
side. * * The enemy kept up the fight till evening, but then .they 
retreated. 

The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that 
in battles numbers of Musulm&ns on both sides are killed; it 
would therefore be better if two or three chiefs from both sides 
should meet and fight it out. This would be a real trial of 
strength, skill and courage, and it would be seen which side had 
the favour of God. * ♦ Next day messengers brought the news 
that the enemy's horse had fled towards Haidar&b&d. The 
Prince marched in pursuit, and came near to Haidar&b&d. 

M&dan& Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind 
of Abu-1 Hasan, that Muhammad Ibrahim had been the means 
of bringing the Prince thither. Abti-1 Hasan was very angry, 
and was intent upon seizing Ibr&him, and putting him to death. 
Muhammad Ibr&him got intelligence of this, and went to offer 
his services to the Prince, who received him with great favour. 
When intelligence of this desertion became known in Haidar&b&d, 
Abti-1 Hasan was greatly alarmed, and without consulting with 
any of his nobles, or even caring anything for his property or the 
honour of his own women and &roily, or of others, he fled with a 
few servants by night, with boxes full of such valuables as he 



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320 KHAFr KHAN. 

could carry, to the fort of Golkonda. When this fact became 
public, the stores of Abu-I Hasan were plundered, as also was the 
property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of rupees. 
The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city, 
were subjected to dishonour^ and great disorder and destruction 
prevailed. Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse, 
and carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the 
hands of their children and wives, many of whom could not even 
seize a veil or sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress. 

Before Prince Sh&h ''^lam got intelligence of what was passing, 
the ruffians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage 
and devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with 
each other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure 
of money, should get their families and property into the 
fortress. Before break of day, the Imperial forces attacked the 
city, and a frightful scene of plunder and destruction followed, 
for in every part and road and market there were lacs upon lacs 
of money, stufis, carpets, horses, and elephants, belonging to 
Abu-1 Hasan and his nobles. Words cannot express how many 
women and children of Musulm&ns and Hindus were made 
prisoners, or how many women of high and low degree were 
dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too heavy 
to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and every 
bit was struggled for. Prince Sh&h 'Alam appointed officers 
(sazdwal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to 
restrain it, but in vain. The kotical of the army received orders 
to go with the Imperial dkwdn^ with an escort of four or five hun- 
dred horse, to take possession of what was left of the property of 
Abu-1 Hasan. 

Some persons now came from Abii-l Hasan to the Prince, 
most humbly and earnestly, begging forgiveness of the sins 
which he had and had not committed. The Prince thereon 
strictly enjoined his officers to repress the plundering, and to 
punish those who were setting places on fire. The disorder was 
in some measure diminished ; but the plunderers were not really 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 321 

stopped in their work. After a good deal of negociation, the 
Prince took pity upon Abu-I Hasan and the inhabitants of the 
place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain conditions. A 
tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be paid, in 
addition to the usual annual tribute. M&dan& and ^kan&, the 
two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be 
imprisoned and deprived of all authority. The fort of Siram 
and the pargana of Ehir, and other districts which had been 
conquered, were to remain in the hands of the Imperialists, and 
Abti-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness of his offences from 
Aurangzeb. 

While the negociations were pending, ♦ ♦ ♦ some women 
of great influence in the harem^ without the knowledge of 
Abti-l Hasan-, laid a plot for the murder of M&dana and Akana. 
* ♦ Whilst the two doomed wretches were proceeding from the 
darbdr to their own houses, a party of slaves attacked them and 
killed them. Bustam R&s also, who had reached the house, was 
killed. Many brdhmans lost their lives and property on that 
day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off, and were sent 
to Prince Sh&h 'Alam by the hands of a discreet person. * * 

When the Prince's despatch reached Aurangzeb, he in public 
approved of the terms of peace, and sent * * an officer to receive 
the tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and 
Kh&n-Jahdn, and summoned the latter to his presence. 



War with Bijdpur. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb determined that he would 
march in person to effect the conquest of Bij&pur, and he started 
with that intention on the 4th Sha'b&n. ♦ ♦ Prince A'zam, with 
some experienced nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce 
Bij&pur. On approaching the place, he found that the forces of 
the Dakhin, under the command of 'Abdu-r Etif and Sharza 
Eh&n, hovered round him in all directions. In that year calamity 
had £illen on the crops, and grain was very dear. The Dakhini 

VOL. vu. 21 



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322 KHAFF KHAN. 

forces occnpied the country all around^ and presented all supplies 
of com from reaching Bij&pur, so that grain became very scarce 
and^ dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was difficult to get a 
loaf. ♦ ♦ At length, after many severe actions, * ♦ the forces of 
the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions were 
brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A'zam, and 
he was relieved from the difficulties which had beset him. * * 
Great favours and honours were bestowed on Ghaziu-d din Eh&n 
for the service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy. 

The protracted duration of the siege of Bijapur, and the infor- 
mation he had received of the disaffection of the allies who 
accompanied Prince Muhammad A'zam, made Aurangzeb deter- 
mine to proceed thither in person. At the beginning of Sha'b&n, 
in the twenty-eighth year of the reign, he set out from Shol&pur, 
and on the 21st of the month he arrived before the fortress, to 
the great dismay of the besieged. He appointed * ♦ several of 
his best officers to assist the Prince in carrying on the siege, and 
addressed to them some soul-stirring words. They set heartily 
to work constructing lines of approach, driving mines and filling 
up the ditch. ♦ ♦ 

Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that 
on a day when an attack was made Sh&h Kuli was inside the 
fortress along with Sikandar ; also that a person named Saiyid 
''^lam used to come out of the city by night, and have 
interviews in secret with the Prince. This was confirmed by 
the report of Ruhu-Uah Kh&n koticdL Orders were accord- 
ingly given for the arrest of Saiyid ^i^lam when he came out to 
see Prince Sh&h 'Alam, and also for the apprehension of Shah 
Euli. Sh&h Kuli was at length seized and brought before 
Aurangzeb, who examined him and endeavoured to extract from 
him the truth about his visits to the city. Nothing but denial 
was obtained from the prisoner, so the order was given for 
binding him and submitting him to the torture. After receiving 
a few blows, his spirit gave way ; he divulged the whole secret, 
and named several others who had been concerned with him. 



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MUNTAKHABTJ-L LUBAB. 323 

Aurangzeb sent for Prince Sh&h 'Alam, and in a private inter- 
view reproached him with these secret negociations. The Prince 
denied them, and said that Sh&h Kuli was no servant of his. 
Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah 
Eh&n, and for the expulsion of several other persons irom the 
army, Aurangzeb's feelings had been estranged from Prince 
Sh&h 'Alam since the transactions at Haidar&b&d, and he was 
now still more offended with him. He made no outward change 
in the Princess rank and allowances, or in the honours due to 
him as heir apparent, but his estrangement daily increased. 

Twenty-ninth and Thietibth Year* of the Eeion, 1096 

AND 1097 A.H. (1685-6 A.D.). 

Conquest of Bijdpur and Haidardhdd. 

[Text, vol. ii. p, 322.] By the exertions of Gh&ziu-d din 
Kh&n Firoz Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through 
want of supplies, the garrison of Bij&pur was in great distress, 
and many men and horses had perished. Sharza Kh&n and 
other nobles asked for terms on behalf of Sikandar, and at the 
beginning of the thirtieth year of the reign, in Zi-1 ka'da, 1097 
(October, 1686), the keys of the fortress were surrendered to 
Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with great display, 
and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of Daulat- 
&b&d, a suitable provision being made for his support. 

At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of 
going to pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-naw&z Saiyid 
Muhammad Gisu, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a 
Vm^farmdn to Abu-1 Hasan, and another to Sa'adat Kh&n, his 
own hdjih at Haidar&b&d, asking for payment of the tribute. He 
also wrote privately to Sa'adat Kh&n, to the effect that it was 
his intention shortly to march against Haidar&b&d and conquer 
it ; but Sa'&dat Kh&n was meanwhile to do his utmost to obtain 
money from Abu-1 Hasan. Sa'&dat Kh&n flattered Abu-1 



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32 1 KHAFr KHAN. 

Hasan with hopes of favours from Aarangzeb, and exerted him- 
self to obtain payment of the tribute. Abu-I Hasan, in the 
hope of finding safety, told Sa^&dat Kh&n that he was unable to 
find the money ; but he ofiered instead the jewels and valuables 
belonging to his wives and others. He therefore asked him to 
send his young eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other 
things. Sa'ddat Kh&n refused to send the eunuch, and negocia- 
tions went on for some days, until the intelligence was brought 
that Aurangzeb was at Kulbarga. 

Abu-1 Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for 
Sa'&dat Kh&n, and delivered into his charge several trays 
of jewels and valuables, without even settling the value of 
them. These were sealed up, and it was arranged that Sa'&dat 
Kh&n should carry them to his house. In the course of 
the next two or three days Abu-1 Hasan would do his best 
to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the house 
of Sa'&dat Kh&n. The value of the jewels was then to be 
settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter 
from Sa'&dat Eh&n commending Abu-1 Hasan^'s willingness and 
obedience, and praying for merciful consideration. Abd-1 Hasan 
sent some loads of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa'&dat Kh&n also 
sent some baskets with them. 

Two or three days later intelligence was brought that 
Aurangzeb had left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda. 
Everybody now said that his object was to conquer Gk)l- 
konda. Abu-1 Hasan sent to Sa''&dat Kh&n, saying * * that 
he had no longer hope of any consideration from Aurangzeb, 
and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in his 
charge. Sa'ddat Eh&n replied that * * he had sent the jewels 
to Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abu-1 Hasan's 
present of fruit. A great scene followed. Abu-1 Hasan placed 
a guard over Sa'&dat Kh&n's house. * * The latter said that he 
had only obeyed the orders, and acted in accordance with his 
wishes in sending the jewels. " For this," said he, " you are 
now about to kill me. My master has long desired some pretext 



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MUNTAKHABTJ-L LXTBAB. 326 

for destroying you, he cannot have a better one than the murder 
of his hdjih. If I am spared, I can do something to obtain 
forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the utmost/' • ♦ 
In some matters Sa'&dat Eh&n had befriended Abd-1 Hasan 
against the designs of his own master. So Abu-1 Hasan, think- 
ing of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made 
him presents. ♦ ♦ 

When Aurangzeb drew near to Haidar&b&d, Abd-1 Hasan 
felt that the time of his fall was near; but he sent a letter 
to Aurangzeb^ renewing his protestations of obedience, and 
reiterating his claims to forgiveness. * * Aurangzeb wrote 
a reply, the gist of which was as follows : ^' The evil deeds 
of this wicked man pass beyond the bounds of writing; but 
by mentioning one out of a hundred, and a little out of 
much, some conception of them may be formed. First, 
placing the reins of authority and government in the hands of 
vile tyrannical infidels; oppressing and afflicting the aaiyida^ 
shaikhs^ and other holy men ; openly giving himself up to exces- 
sive debauchery and depravity; indulging in drunkenness and 
wickedness night and day; making no distinction between 
infidelity and Isl&m, tyranny and justice, depravity and devo- 
tion ; waging obstinate war in defence of infidels ; want of 
obedience to the Divine commands and prohibitions, especially 
to that command which forbids assistance to an enemy's country, 
the disregarding of which had cast a censure upon the Holy 
Book in the sight both of God and man. Letters full of friendly 
advice and warning upon these points had been repeatedly 
written, and had been sent by the hands of discreet men. No 
attention had been paid to them ; moreover it had lately become 
known that a lac of pagodas had been sent to the wicked Sambha. 
That in this insolence and intoxication and worthlessness, no 
regard had been paid to the infamy of his deeds, and no ho[)e 
shown of deliverance in this world or in the next.'' 

Abu-1 Hasan, seeing that there was no longer any hope for 
him, sent forth his forces, under the command of his best officers. 



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326 KHAPr KHAN. 

to meet Aurangzeb, urging them to fight valiantly, and to 
endeavour to make Aurangzeb prisoner, ♦ ♦ On the 24th 
Babi^u-1 awwal the royal army took ground at gun-shot distance 
from Golkonda, and the work of the siege began. * * Abu-1 
Hasan had forty or fifty thousand horse outside the walls, with 
whom the royal army had frequent encounters, and a sharp fire 
of guns and rockets was kept up from the fortifications. Some 
distinguished ofiicers of the royal army and many men were 
lost on both sides. After the arrival of Firoz Jang, the whole 
management of the siege was placed in his hands. 

Prince Sh&h ^Alam had fallen under the displeasure of his 
father at the siege of Bij&pur; still, at the siege of Golkonda, 
the lines on the right side were under his command. But the 
days of his fortune and prosperity had been overshadowed by 
some years of trouble and misconduct. He now secretly received 
messages and presents from Abu-1 Hasan, to secure his services 
and the services of his associates, in obtaining forgiveness of past 
offences. The Princess objects were that peace and war should 
be dependent upon his approval as heir apparent, and that as far 
as possible he should bind Abu-1 Hasan to his interests. He 
never reflected that this course must eventually end in his fall 
and disgrace. Some meddling mischief-making people got infor- 
mation of what was going on, and informed Aurangzeb. ♦ * 
The manager of the Prince's equipages now reported to him that 
the carriages belonging to his zandna were far away from his 
tents, and were open to attacks from the garrison. He accord- 
ingly ordered that they should be brought nearer to his tent. 

Some of Prince Muhammad A'zam's companions informed 
Aurangzeb that Sh&h ^Klom was about to make his way into the 
city. On hearing this, Aurangzeb was greatly enraged. He 
called Hay&t Kh&n, and another of Shah *iJClam's confidential 
servants, to his presence, and questioned them in private as to 
the Princess intention. They replied that the Prince's object 
was to obtain, by his influence, a pardon for Abti-1 Hasan, and, 
failing in that, to do his best for the reduction of the fortress. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 327 

Of evil intentions he bad none. * * But for all their pleas and 
protestations they could pot remove the suspicions which 
Aurangzeb had of his son, * ♦ Orders were given for a force 
to be sent to bring the Prince before him. Hay&t Kh&n said 
there was no necessity for that. If the Emperor sent an officer 
to call the Prince, he would come at once, for he had no thought 
but of obedience. So on the l&th Babfu-s s&ni, in the twenty- 
ninth year of the reign, an officer was sent to bring the Prince, 
with Muhammad 'Azim, his second son, to the royal presence. 
The Prince obeyed immediately, and waited on his august 
father. ♦ ♦ The Emperor ordered that all the establishments of 
the Prince should be seized, and his mansabs and jdgirs confis- 
cated. IHarsh treatment ofNdru-l Niasa, the Prince^B tcife^ and of 
her eunuohaJl But here we will refrain from entering upon the 
unhappy details of the Prince^'s imprisonment, and his liberation, 
and will proceed with the account of the conquest of Golkonda. 

Day by day, and week by week, the approaches were pushed 
forward under the direction of Gh&ziu-d din Firoz Jang, but 
they were encountered with great daring by the besieged under 
the command of Shaikh I^iz&m, Mustaf& Eh&n L&ri, otherwise 
called 'Abdu-r Bazz&k, and others. The fighting was desperate, 
and many were killed on both sides. * * Ailer one sharp 
encounter, in which a sally of the garrison was driven back with 
loss, Shaikh Minh&j, Shaikh Niz&m, and others, deserted Abu-1 
Hasan, and came over to the besiegers, when Aurangzeb granted 
to them suitable mansabs and titles. Muhammad Ibr&him, who 
was the first to quit the way of error, and to enter upon the 
royal road of rectitude, received a mansab of 7000 and 6000 
horse, with the title of Mah&bat Kh&n. He exerted himself 
above all others in endeavouring to reduce the fortress. Shaikh 
Niz&m received a mansab of 6000 and 5000 horse, with the title 
of Takarrub Kh&n. Of all the nobles of Abu-1 Hasan, the one 
who never forsook him until the fall of the place, and who 
throughout exerted himself in an inconceivable manner, was 
Mustaf& Kh&n L&ri, or, as he was also called, 'Abdu-r Razz&k. 



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328 KHAFF KHAN. 

The siege was protracted for a long time, and from the 
immense stores of ammunition in the fortress, an nnintermitting 
discharge was kept up night and day from the gates, and towers, 
and walls, of cannon-balls, bullets, rockets and other fiery mis- 
siles. The smoke arising from the constant firing removed the 
distinction of day and night, and no day passed without the 
besiegers suffering a loss in killed and wounded. The assailants 
exerted themselves vigorously, especially * *, and so in the 
course of a month and some days the lines were carried up to 
the very edge of the ditch, and orders were issued for filling it 
up. It is said that Aurangzeb himself, after observing the rite 
of purification, sewed the seams of the first cotton bag to be 
filled with earth and thrown into the moat. High mounds were 
raised, and heavy guns were placed upon them and pointed 
against the fortress. Their heavy fi^e greatly harassed the 
defenders. The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder (within 
the city) was extreme, so that many men of wealth were dis- 
heartened ; who then can describe the position of the poor and 
needy P Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year 
there was a scarcity of rain when the jotvdr and bdjrd came into 
ear, so they dried up and perished. These productions of the 
autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the 
Dakhin. Bice is the principal food of the people of Haidar- 
&b&d, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by 
scarcity of rain. The Dakhinis and the forces of the hell-dog 
Sambh& had come to the assistance of Haidar&b&d, and hovering 
round the Imperial forces, they cut off the supplies of grain. 
Pestilence {wabd) broke out, and carried off many men. Thus 
great numbers of men were lost. Others, unable to bear the 
pangs of hunger and wretchedness, went over to Abu-1 Hasan, 
and some treacherously rendered aid to the besieged. 

When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb 
recalled Prince Muhammad A'zam, whom, in consequence of the 
unfaithfulness of Prince Sh&h 'Alam, he had sent to settle the 
country round Ujjain and Akbar&bad, and who had got as far as 



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MUNTAKHABIT.L LUBAB. 329 

Burh&Dpdr. He also summoned Buhu-ll&h Kh&n, an experienced 
and highly-trusted nobleman, from Bij&purt Soon after the 
Prince's arrival, the deamess of grain passed all bounds. * * In 
the middle of Bajab, when the siege had lasted three months, 

* * it was resolved to make an attempt to take the place by 
surprise at night, by means of scaling-ladders and ropes. * * 
A few brave men succeeded in ascending the ramparts, * * but 
the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the defenders rushed 
to the walls and soon despatched those who had gained the top. 
lliey also threw down the ladders, and so made an end of those 
who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the leaders of 
the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one of 
Aurangzeb^s servants ran off to report their success, without 
waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on 
receiving his report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and 
ordered out his royal equipage and stateT dress. Next day spies 
reported that Abu-1 Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated 
chain, etc., and directed that the dog should be kept chained 
near to himself. 

In the middle of Sha'b&n a heavy rain fell for three days, • ♦ 
which was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, ♦ ♦ 
and destroyed many of their works. * ♦ The enemy also took 
courage, and made a sally in great force, in which they did great 
damage, * * and killed many men and took some prisoners. 
Abd-1 Hasan treated his prisoners with hospitality and honour. 

* * He took Sarbar&h Kh&n to his granaries and magazines 
and showed him his stores of com and heaps of treasure. He 
then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting ♦ ♦ and offering to 
present a krar of rupees, and also to pay a kror of rupees for each 
time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place ; so that any further 
slaughter of Musulm&ns might be prevented. If his proposals 
were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred 
thousand mans of grain for the troops. When these proposals 
were reported to Aurangzeb, he said, ^' If Abti-l Hasan does not 
repudiate my authority, he must come to me with clasped hands, 



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330 KHAFI KHAN. 

or he mufit be brought boand before me. I will then consider 
what consideratioir I can show him.''^ He then issued orders to 
the officials of Bir&r for tHe preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton, 
and for other materials for carrying on the siege and filling up 
the moat. ♦ ♦ 

On the 19th Sha'b&n it was reported that a triple mine had 
been driven under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with 
gunpowder. Orders were then given that a force should be 
collected in the lines as if about to make an attack upon the 
undermined work, so that the eiiemy might observe this, and 
assemble his men there. The mines were then to be fired. 
'Abdu-r Bazz&k L&ri and others of the besieged, having observed 
these proceedings, commenced countermining. They pushed their 
work with such skill and activity, * * that they drew the 
powder and match fr.om one mine, and poured water into the 
other two. The Imperial troops collected for the assault, and 
raised their cries ; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the 
proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given, 
one mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted, 
and of the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress 
was wet, the blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the 
besiegers than the besieged. * * The garrison then sallied forth, 
and occupied the trenches, killing all whom they found alive in 
them. After a severe struggle, in which many men fell on both 
sides, the trenches were recovered. The second mine was ex- 
ploded, and thousands of stones, great and small, were hurled 
into the air; but, as in the former case, they fell upon the 
heads of the besiegers, * * and great numbers were killed and 
wounded. ♦ ♦ 

Great waitings and complaints arose from the troops engaged 
in the siege. * * The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and 
many more of the besiegers fell. • ♦ Although Firoz Jang 
exerted himself most strenuously, he made no impression upon 
the place. The long delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb. 
He called his chiefs and officers together, * * and placing him- 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 331 

self at about a gun-shot distance from the walls, he ordered an 
assault to be made under his own eyes. Prodigies of Valour 
were exhibited. * * But a storm of wind and rain arose, and 
obstructed the. progress of the assailants, * * and they were 
forced to fall back drenched with rain. The garrison again made 
a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, 
on the mounting of which immense money and labour had been 
expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled 
out of the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands 
of bags which had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair 
the breaches made by the mines. * * It was afterwards deter- 
mined that the third mine should be sprung in the presence of 
Aurangzeb. But although fire was applied, nothing resulted. 
An examination as to the cause was instituted, but nothing was 
discovered until it was learnt from spies that the enemy had 
cleared out the powder and cut the match. ♦ • Firoz Jang had 
received two arrow wounds. The command of the army was then 
given to Prince Muhammad A'zam. 

Several of the officers of Abu-I Hasan had come over to the 
side of Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs^ and 
presents. Shaikh Minh&j, having heard of this, was about to 
desert, but Abu-1 Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized 
his house. Of all his nobles, none remained faithfiil to Abti-1 
Hasan but 'Abdu-r Bazz&k L&ri, who had received the title 
Mustafa Khan, and 'Abdu-llah Kh&n Pani Afgh&n. At the 
end of Sha'b&n, the siege had lasted eight months, and Abu-1 
Hasan''s men still worked inde&tigably. At length, 'Abdu-llah 
Kh&n made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to open 
one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops. 

Aurangzeb frequently communicated with ^Abdu-r Bazz&k 
L&ri, and promised him a manaab of six thousand, with six 
thousand horse, and other regal favours. But that ungracious 
faithful fellow, taking no heed of his own interest and life, in the 
most insolent manner exhibited the Emperor's letter to the men 
in his bastion, and tore it to pieces in their presence, and he 



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332 KKKFT KHAN. 

sent a message by the spy who had brought it to say that he 
would fight to the death like the horsemen who fought with 
Im&m Husain at Karbal&. * * 

The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing 
on the siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags 
filled with dirt and rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals 
and men who had perished during the operations. Several 
times the valour of the assailants carried them to the top 
of the walls ; but the watchfiilness of the besieged frustrated 
their efforts ; so they threw away their lives in vain, and the 
fortress remained untaken. But the fortune of 'Alamglr at 
length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days, 
the place fell into his hands ; but by good fortune, not by force of 
sword and spear. 

Thirty-first Year of the Reign, 1098 a.h. (1687 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 361.] At the beginning of the month Zi-1 
ka^da, at the commencement of the thirty-first year of the reign, 
agreeing with 1098 a.h. (Sept. 1687), by the efforts of Rdhu- 
llah Kh&n, a negociation was concluded, through Banmast Kh&n 
Afgh&n Pani, with 'Abdu-llah Eh&n, who was one of the confi- 
dential officers of Abu-1 Hasan, and had charge of the gate called 
the khirki (wicket). In the last watch of the night Buhu-llah 
Kh&n and ♦ ♦, at a sign firom 'Abdu-llah, entered the fortress by 
means of ladders. Prince Muhammad A'^zam, mounted on an 
elephant, had a large force ready to enter by the gate. Those 
who had got in went to the gate, posted their men, opened the 
gate, and raised the cry of victory. 

^Abdu-r Bazz&k L&ri heard this, and, springing on a horse 
without any saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield 
in the other, and accompanied by ten or twelve followers, he 
rushed to the open gate, through which the Imperial forces 
were pouring in. Although his followers were dispersed, 
he alone, like a drop of water falling into the sea, or an 



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MUNTAKHABIT-L LUBAB. 333 

atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw him- 
self upon the advancing foe, and fonght with inconceivable 
fury and desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death 
for Abu-l Hasan. Every step he advanced, thousands of swords 
were aimed at him, and he received so many woands from swords 
and spears that he was covered with wounds from the crown of 
his head to the nails of his feet. But his time was not yet come, 
and he fought his way to the gate of the citadel without being 
brought down. He received twelve woands upon his face alone, 
and the skin of his forehead hung down over his eyes and nose. 
One eye was severely wounded, and the cuts upon his body 
seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse also was covered 
with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he gave the reins 
to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat. The horse 
carried him to a garden called Nagina, near the citadel, to the 
foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he 
threw himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of 
men belonging to Husaini Beg passed, and recognizing him by 
his horse and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and 
carried him upon a bedstead to a house. When his own men 
heard of this, they came and dressed his wounds. The re- 
mainder of the story of this brave devoted warrior shall be told 
hereafter. 

The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within 
and without, made Abu-1 Hasan aware that all was over. He 
went into his harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of 
them, and take leave of them. Then, though his heart was sad, 
he controlled himself, and went to his reception room, and took 
his seat upon the maenad^ and watched for the coming of his 
unbidden guests. When the time for taking his meal arrived, he ' 
ordered the food to be served up. As Bdhu-Uah Kh&n and 
others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for a moment lost 
his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them with 
courtesy, and spoke to them with warmth and elegance. * * 

Abu-1 Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amlrs^ 



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334 KEAFI KHAN. 

carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was 
introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h, 
he took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince 
in a most gracefiil way. The Prince took it, and placing his 
hand upon his back, he did what he could to console and 
encourage him. He then conducted him to the presence of 
Aurangzeb, who also received him very courteously. After a few 
days the Emperor sent him to the fortress of Daulat4b4d, and 
settled a suitable allowance for providing him with food, raiment, 
and other necessaries. Officers were appointed to take possession 
of the effects of Abu-l Hasan and his nobles. 

' Abdu-r Razz&k,^ senseless, but with a spark of life remaining, 
was carried to the house of Bdhu-Uah Kh&n. As soon as the 
eyes of Saf-shikan Kh&n fell upon him, he cried out, " This is 
that vile L&ri ! cut off his head and hang it over the gate.""^ 
Buhu-llah replied that to cut off the head of a dying man 
without orders, when there was no hope of his surviving, was far 
from being humane. A little bird made the matter known to 
Aurangzeb ,who had heard of *Abdu-r Razz&k's daring and 
courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two sur- 
geons, one a European, the other a Hindd, should be sent to 
attend the wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his 
condition to Aurangzeb. 

The Emperor sent for Buhu-Uah Eh&n, and told him that 
if Abu-1 Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted 
like ''Abdu-r Bazz&k, it would have taken much longer to 
subdue the fortress. The surgeons reported that they had 
counted nearly seventy wounds, besides the many wounds 
upon wounds which could not be counted. Although one eye 
was not injured, it was probable that he would lose the sight of 
both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At 
the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened 

1 In a subsequent page (390) the author says that he lived for some time with 
'Abdu-r Razz&k near R&hiri. This accounts for the long notice he has given of that 
brave soldier. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 335 

one eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of 
recovery. Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his 
offences, and desiring him to send his eldest son 'Abdu-1 K&dir 
with his other sons, that they might receive suitable mamabs and 
honours, and return thanks for the pardon granted to their father, 
and for the mamabs and other favours. When this gracious 
message reached that devoted and peerless hero, he gasped out a 
few words of reverence and gratitude, but he said that there was 
little hope of his recovery. If, however, it pleased the Almighty 
to spare him and give him a second life, it was not likely that he 
would be fit for service; but should he ever be capable of service, 
he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abu-1 Hasan, and 
had thriven on his bounty, could enter the service of King 
'Alamgir (Aurangzeb). On hearing these words^a cloud was seen 
to pass over the fece of His Majesty; but he kindly said, " When 
he is quite well, let me know.'^ Most of ^Abdu-r Bazz4k's 
property had been plundered, but such as was left was given over 
to him. 

^ Some time afterwards it was reported that ""Abdu-r Bazz&k 
had got quite well, and an order was issued to the Sdhaddr 
to send him to the royal presence. 'Abdu-r Bazz&k tried to 
excuse himself, and expressed a wish to go with his children 
on the pilgrimage to Mecca, on returning from which blessed 
journey he would devote himself to prayer for the long life of 
His Majesty. Orders were then given for arresting him and 
sending him to Court. Firoz Jang got information of this, 
and with great sympathy invited 'Abdu-r Bazz&k to come and 
stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked kind- 
ness, and after the lapse of a year ""Abdu-r Bazzdk entered the 
Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse. 

The property of Abu-1 Hasan which was recovered after its 
dispersion amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand huns^ 
and two krors and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six 

^ In the text ten pages intervene before this finish of 'Abda-r liazz&k's story ii 
brought in. It appears in the thirty-second year of the reign. 



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336 KHAFr KRKN, 

krars eighty lacs and ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid 
articles and vessels of gold and silver. The total in dams was 
one arb fifteen krors sixteen lacs and a fraction, which was the 
sum entered on the records. 

The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of R4ja 
Deo R&{, and it was acquired by the Bahmani Sult&ns after a 
good deal of resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmani dynasty, 
their territories fell into the hands of a number of petty chiefs ; 
but Sultdn Muhammad Euli, entitled Eutbu-1 Mulk, who had 
been one of the nobles of Sultdn Muhammad Sh&h Bahmani, 
brought some of the provinces of the Dakhin under his rule. 
For the old mud fort of B4ja Deo R&i, which stood upon the 
summit of a hill, he substituted one of stone* After some 
descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-1 Mulk, for 
all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-1 Mulk. He took 
great pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife 
named Bhdgmati, of whom he was very fond. At her request, 
he built a city two ko8 distant from the fortress, to which he 
gave the name of Bh&gnagar. Some time after the death of 
Bh&gmati, the name was changed to Haidar&bdd; but in the 
vernacular language of the people it is still called Bh&gnagar. 
That woman ^ had established many brothels and drinking shops 
in that place, and the rulers had always been addicted to pleasure 
and to all sorts of debauchery. Abd-l Hasan exceeded all his 
predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city got an evil 
name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb, it 
was called the hostile country (ddru-l jihdd) . [^Surrender of the 
fort of Sakar between Haidardbdd and Bijdpur,'] 



Thirty-second Year op the Reign, 1099 a.h. (1688 a.d.). 

[Surrender of the fort of Adhani to Prince Muhammad 
A*zam ShdhJ] 

* The words are explicit. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 337 

Thikty-thibd Tear of the Beign, 1100 a.h. (1689 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 372.] The plague (taHn) and pestilence 
(tcabd)^ which had for several years been in the Dakhin as far as 
the port of Surat and the city of Ahmad4b&d, now broke out with 
violence in Bijdpur, and in the royal camp. It was so virulent 
that when an individual was attacked with it, he gave up all hope, 
and thought only about his nursing and mourning. The black- 
pated guest-slayer of the sky sought to pick out the seed of the 
human race from the field of the world, and the cold blast of 
destruction tried to cut down the tree of life in every living being, 
and to remove every shoot and sign of life from the surface of the 
world. The visible marks of the plague were swellings as big as 
a grape or banana under the arms, behind the ears, and in the 
groin, and a redness was perceptible round the pupils of the eyes, 
as in fever or pestilence (wahd) . It was the business of heirs to 
provide for the interment of the dead, but thousands of obscure 
and friendless persons of no property died in the towns and 
markets, and very few of them had the means of burial. * ♦ It 
began in the twenty-seventh year of the reign, and lasted for 
seven or eight years. 

Thibty-fottrth Year of the Reign, 1101 a.h. (1690 a.d.). 

Operations against the Mahrattas. Capture and Execution 

of Sambhd. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 383.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h was 
sent with an army and some experienced amirs to punish the 
infidels about Bah&dur-garh and Gulshan&bdd.^ Firoz Jang, 
with another army, was sent to reduce the forts in the neigh- 
bourhood of B&jgarh. Mukarrab Khan, otherwise called Shaikh 
Niz&m Haidardb&di, was sent against the infidel Sambh&. Each 
of them endeavoured to distinguish himself in the performance of 
the service on which he had been sent. Mukarrab Khdn was 
* In Bagl&na, near Junir. ^e^poit, p. 345. 



VOL. vn. 



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338 EHAFr EHAN. 

distinguished above all the nobles of the Dakhin for his military 
knowledge and enterprise. He laid siege to the fort of Pam&la, 
near Eol&pdF, and sent out his spies in all directions to gather 
intelligence, and especially to get information about Sambh&, 
who in his vile and evil course of life was ten times worse than 
his fether Sivaji. * * 

This ill-bred fellow left his old home at Rahiri, and went 
to the fort of Ehelna. After satisfying himself of the state 
of its stores, and the settlement of the country round, under 
the guidance of adverse fortune, which kept him ignorant 
of the approach of the Imperial forces, he went to bathe in the 
waters of the B&n-Ganga, on the borders of the district of 
Sangamnir,^ one day's journey firom the sea-shore. The place 
was situated in a valley, surrounded by high mountains of 
difficult passage. Here Eabkalas, the filthy dog, had built 
a house, embellished with paintings, and surrounded with a 
garden full of fruit-trees and flowers. Sambh&, with Eab- 
kalas, and his wives, and his son S4hu, went there, accom- 
panied with a force of two or three thousand horse, entirely 
unaware of the approach of the fiilcon of destiny. After 
bathing, he lingered there, viewing the lofty hills, the arduous 
roads ftiU of ascents and descents, and the thick woods of thorny 
trees. Unlike his fether, he was addicted to wine, and fond of 
the society of handsome women, and gave himself up to pleasure. 
Messengers brought him intelligence of the active movements of 
Mukarrab Eh&n; but he was absorbed in the pleasures which 
bring so many men of might to their ruin. 

Mukarrab Eh&n started boldly from his base at Eol&pur, which 
was forty-five kaa distant from the retreat to which Sambhd had 
resorted. He took with him two thousand horse and one thousand 
foot, selected men. The reports brought to him represented that 
the road was steep and arduous, over high hills, and that thirty 
or forty men without arms might hold the road against a large 
army by throwing down stones. But that brave leader heeded 
1 Sangameflhwar, in the Ghats. See Grant Doff, yoI. i. p. 359. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 339 

none of these objections. * * He set out and made a rapid 
march, and in the most difficult places they dime to he himself 
went first on foot. * * They pressed on, and approached near 
the place where the doomed one was staying. 

It is said that Sambhd^s scouts informed him of the approach 
of the royal army, or the ^' Mughal army,^ as it was called in 
the language of the Mahrattas. But the heedless fellow scouted 
the idea of any Mughal army penetrating to that place. He 
ordered the tongues of the reporters to be cut out, and did not 
even take care to have his h(»:ses ready, or to prepare any 
earthworks. 

Mukarrab Eh&n, with his sons and nephews, ten or twelve brave 
personal attendants, and two or three hundred horsemen, fell 
sword in hand upon the heedless Sambhi, who too late thought of 
defending himself. Eabkalas, his td^azk', was well known for his 
courage and daring. He did his best to save him, and, with 
a party of Mahrattas, advanced to meet the assailants. At the 
commencement of the fight he received an arrow in the right 
arm, which rendered the limb useless. He fell from his horse, 
exclaiming that he would remain there. Sambh&, who was about 
to take to flight, sprang from his horse, and said that he would 
stay with him. Four or five Mahrattas were cut down, but 
all the rest of Sambh&'s men fled. Eabkalas was taken pri- 
soner; Sambh& went for refuge into an idol temple^ and there 
hid himself. The plaee was surrounded, and he was discovered. 
Several of his followers, of no importance, were killed ; but he 
and his fkmily, including his son S&hu, a boy of seven or eight 
years of age, were all made prisoners. All his men and women, 
twenty-six individuals in number, were taken, and also two 
women belonging to B4m B&ja, his younger brother, whom he 
kept confined in one of his forts. The hands of all of them were 
bound, and they were brought to the feet of the elephant on 
which Mukarrab Khdn was riding. Although Sambhd, in the 
brief interval, had shaved ofiF his beard, smeared his face with 
ashes, and changed his clothes, he was discovered by a necklace 



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340 EHAFr KHAN. 

of pearls under his garments, and by the gold rings upon the legs 
of his horse. Mukarrab Eh4n made him ride behind him on the 
same elephant, and the other captives were chained and carried 
off, some on elephants, some on horses. 

A despatch was sent to His Majesty, but news of the exploit 
reached him first through the news-reporters, and was a cause of 
great rejoicing. When the intelligence came that Mukarrab 
Kh&n was approaching with his prisoners, His Majesty ordered 
* * a large party to go out two ko8 from Akldj,^ where he was 
staying, to give the victor a ceremonious reception. It is said 
that during the four or five days when Mukarrab Kh&n was 
known to be coming with his prisoners, the rejoicings were so 
great among all classes, from chaste matrons to miserable men, 
that they could not sleep at night, and they went out two ko8 to 
meet the prisoners, and give expression to their satisfaction. In 
every town and village on the road or near it, wherever the news 
reached, there was great delight ; and wherever they passed, the 
doors and roofs were fiill of men uid women, who looked on 
rejoicing. * * 

After their arrival, Aurangzeb held a darbdr^ and the pri- 
soners were brought in. On seeing them, he descended fi*om 
his throne, and made two ruk'^ats as a mark of his gratitude 
to the Almighty. It is said that Eabkalas observed this. He 
was well versed in Hindi poetry, and although his head and neck 
and every limb was firmly secured so that he could use only his 
eyes and tongue, when he saw Aurangzeb make these signs of 
devotion, he looked at Sambhd, and repeated some Hindi lines to 
this effect, " O R&ja, at the sight of thee the King 'Alamglr 
(Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity, cannot keep his seat 
upon his throne, but has perforce descended &om it to do thee 
honour." 

After they had been sent to their places of confinement, 
some of the councillors of the State advised that their lives 

I On the south of the river Nfra, about hall way between Bij&pdr and IMna. It 
is the " Aldfis" of Elphinstone's map. 



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MTTNTASHABU-L LUBAB. 341 

should be spared, and that they should be kept in perpetual 
confinement, on condition of surrendering the keys of the 
fortresses held by the adherents of Sambh&. But the doomed 
wretches knew that, after all, their heads would fall upon the 
scaffold, or that, if by abject submission and baseness, they escaped 
death, they would be kept in confinement deprived of all the 
pleasures of life, and every day of life would be a new death. 
So both Sambh& and Eabkalas indulged in abusive language, and 
uttered the most offensive remarks in the hearing of the 
Emperor^s servants. But it was the will of God that the stock of 
this turbulent &mily should not be rooted out of the Dakhin, 
and that King Aurangzeb should spend the rest of his life in the 
work of repressing them and taking their fortresses. The 
Emperor was in favour of seizing the opportunity of getting rid 
of these prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with a little 
exertion their fortresses would be reduced. He therefore rejected 
the advice^ and would not consent to spare them on condition of 
receiving the keys of the fortresses. He gave orders that the 
tongues of both should be cut out, so that they might no longer 
speak disrespectfully. After that, their eyes were to be torn out. 
Then, with ten or eleven other persons, they were to be put to 
death with a variety of tortures, and lastly .he ordered that the 
skins of the heads of Sambh& and Kabkalas should be stuffed with 
straw, and exposed in all the cities and towns of the Dakhin, with 
beat of drum and sound of trumpet. Such is the retribution for 
rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers. 

S&hu, the son of Sambhd, a boy of seven years of age, -was 
spared, and orders were given for his being kept within the limits 
of the palace. Suitable teachers were appointed to educate him, 
and a mansab of 700 was granted to him. * * Some women, in- 
cluding the mother and daughters of Sambha, were sent to the 
fortress of Daulatabfid. 

When the author was staying along with 'Abdu-r Bazz&k 
Lari near the fort of B4h{ri, which Sivaji built, he heard from 
the people of the neighbourhood that Sivaji, although an infidel 



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342 EHAFr KRKS. 

and a rebel, was a wise man. The country round may be called 
a specimen of hell, for it is hilly and stony, and in the hot 
season water is very scarce, which is a great trouble to the 
inhabitants. Siyaji had a well dag near his abode. A pavement 
was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected. 
Upon this bench Sivaji would take his seat, and when the women 
of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would give 
their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother 
and sisters. When the rqf descended to Sambha, he also used 
to sit upon this bench ; and when the wives and daughters of tiie 
raiyats came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hwid 
upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them 
to. the seat. There he would handle them roughly and indecently, 
and detain them for a while. The poor woman, unable to help 
herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not 
escape without gross insult. At length the raiyaU of the country 
settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the 
Firingis, which was not far off. He received the reward of his 
deeds. 

Thirty-fifth Year of the Reion, 1102 a.h. (1691 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 891.] Aurangzeb was desirous of rewarding 
Mukarrab Kh&h for his splendid and unparalleled success. * * * 
He granted to him an increase of 1000 horse, gave him the title 
of Eh&n-Zam&n Fath-Jang, a present of 50,000 rupees, and of 
a horse, elephant, etc., etc. His son, Ikhl&s Kh&n, who held a 
manaab of 4000 personal and 4000 horse, had it increased a 
thousand, and received the title of Kb&n-i 'Alam. His four or 
five sons and nephews also received titles and marks of &vour. 

About this time it was reported that B&jgarh, one of the forts 
of Sivaji and Sambhd, had been taken. Abu-l Ehair Eh&n was 
appointed its commandant. * * Before the news of the capture 
of Sambhd reached that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the 
place, and summoned Abu-l Khair to surrender. Although the 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 345 

force nnder Firoz Jang was near at hand, Abu-l Khair was 
frightened, and was so craven as to surrender on a promise of 
safety to his life, his family, and his property. He left the place 
at night with some of his women in diiUs and the rest on foot, 
and he had with him several baskets and boxes of clothing, 
money, jewels, etc. The Mahrattas had gathered round, waiting 
for him, and although they had promised security to life and 
property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in 
miserable plight. In the middle of the night he reached the 
army of Firoz Jang, full of complaints and remorse. He was 
deprived of his tnansab and /a^fr, and was sent on the pilgrimage. 

Turbulence of the Jdts. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Agra that 
when Aghar Eh4n came there under orders from E&bul, a party 
of J&ts attacked the caravan near Agra. They seized the cattle 
and plundered the carts which were in the rear, and carried off 
some women as prisoners. Aghar Khdn pursued them to the 
neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued 
the women. He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed 
by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Eh&n-Jah&n 
Kokalt&sh had formerly &iled in executing a commission to re- 
strain the J&ts, and for this and some displeasing actions he was 
recalled, and Prince Bed&r Bakht was appointed on the duty. 

An order was issued that no Hindu should ride in ^pdJki or 
on an Arab horse without permission. 

Thikty-sixth Year of the Reign, 1103 a.h. (1692 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 397.] In the beginning or towards the 

middle of this year, Aurangzeb moved from Gurg&on^ and 

Shik&rptir to Bidr, and after a while from thence to Gulka, one 

day's march from Bij&pur, where the camp was pitched. The 

. 1 The preriotiB inarch was from Akltij to G6rg&on (Text, p. 898}. 



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344 KEKFX KHAN. 

evil days of Prince Mahammad Mu'azzam now drew to a close, 
and it pleased the Emperor to show him kindness. * * * He 
directed that the shaving of the head and other rigours of prison 
discipline should be forbidden, and he held out to the Prince 
hopes of release. 

The Hindi names of many places end with the letter A, which 
there was a tendency to pronounce like alif in such names as 
M&lwah, Bangdlahy Bagldnah, and Pamdlah. * * Orders were 
given that such names should be written with an alify as M&lw&, 
Bang&l&, Bagl&n&, etc. 

Mukhlis Eh4n, darogha of the artillery, reported that some of 
the Mahratta chiefs had taken B&m R&ja, brother of the late 
Sambhi, out of confinement, and had raised him to the rdj in 
succession to his &ther and brother. They had assembled large 
forces with the vain intention of besieging fortresses. He sent 
robes and presents to the officers in command of his own forts, 
and^ like his father and brother, he appointed different leaders to 
plunder the country, and to get possession of forts. 

The Portufft^ese. 
[Text, vol. li. p. 400.] It was mentioned in the history of the 
reign of Sh4h Jah&n that Christian traders had come to India 
to the ports on the sea-shore. The officers of the King of 
Portugal occupied several neighbouring ports, and had erected 
forts in strong positions and under the protection of hills. They 
built villages, and in all matters acted very kindly towards the 
people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes. They 
allotted a separate quarter for the Musulm&ns who dwelt with 
them, and appointed a kdzi over them to settle all matters of 
taxes and marriage. But the call to prayer and public devotion 
were not permitted in their settlements. If a poor traveller had 
to pass through their possessions, he would meet with no other 
trouble ; but he would not be able to say his prayers at his ease. 
On the sea, they are not like the English, and do not attack 
other ships, except those ships which have not received their pass 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 345 

according to rule, or the ships of Arabia or Maskat, with which 
two countries they have a long-standing enmity, and they attack 
each other whenever opportunity offers. If a ship from a distant 
port is wrecked and fklls into their hands, they look upon it as 
their prize. But their greatest act of tyranny is this. If a 
subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving young children, and no 
grown-up son, the children are considered wards of the State. 
They take them to their places of worship, their churches, which 
they have built in many places, and the pddris^ that is to say the 
priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and bring 
them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Musulm&u 
saipid or a Hindu brahman. They also make them serve as 
slaves. In the 'Adil-Sh4hi Eokan, close to the sea, in the fine 
and famous fort of Goa, their governor resides ; and there is a 
captain there who exercises full powers on the part of Portugal. 
They have also established some other ports and flourishing 
villages. Besides this, the Portuguese occupy the country from 
fourteen or fifteen kos south of Surat to the boundaries of the 
fort of Bombay, which belongs to the English, and to the borders 
of the territories of the Habshis, which is called the Niz4m- 
Sh&hi Kokan. In the rear of the hills of Bagl&n&, and in strong 
positions, difiicult of access, near the fort of Gulshanab&d, they 
have built seven or eight other forts, small and great. Two of 
these, by name Daman and ^gasi, which they obtained by fraud 
from Sult&n Bah&dur of Gujardt, they have made very strong, 
and the villages around are flourishing. Their possessions 
measure in length about forty or fifty kos ; but they are not 
more than a A;<>« or a kos and a half in width. They cultivate the 
skirts of the hills, and grow the best products, such as sugar- 
cane, pine-apples, and rice; and cocoa-nut trees, and betel-nut 
vines, in vast numbers, from which they derive a very large 
revenue. They have made for use in their districts a silver coin 
called ashrafi, worth nine dnds. They also use bits of copper 
which they call huzurg^ and four of these buzurgs pass for 2kfuHts. 
The orders of the King (of India) are not current there. When 



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346 KKKFl KHAN. 

the people there marry, the girl is given as the dowry, and they 
leave the management of all affairs, in the honse and out of it, 
to their wives. They have only one wife, and cononhinage is not 
permitted by their religion. * ♦ ♦ 

Ham Rdja. 

[Text, vol, ii. p. 413.] Messengers now brought to the know- 
ledge of the Emperor that the forces of R4m B&ja had marched 
in various directions to ravage the territories and reduce the 
forts belonging to the Imperial throne. The fort of Pam&la was 
one of the highest and most celebrated of the forts belonging to 
Bij&ptir, and had been captured by the royal forces with a good 
deal of difficulty. It was now taken with little exertion by 
B&m B&ja's officers, and its commandant was wounded and made 
prisoner. It was also reported that Il4m B4ja had gone to the 
assistance of the chiefe of Jinji, and was busy collecting men. 

• * This information greatly troubled His Majesty. * • He was 
about to send Bahramand Eh4n to lay siege to Pam&la, when 
intelligence came that Prince Mu izzu-d din had sat down before 
it. So he resolved to proceed in person to Bairampuri. 

Thirty-seventh Year of the Reign, 1104 a.h. (1693 a.d.). 

The MakrattoB. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 414.] This year Aurangzeb stayed at Bairam- 
puri,^ the name of which was ordered to be changed to Isl&mpuri. 

* * Forces were sent against the fort of Parndla and other forts 
in various places. * * After the execution of Sambhd, many of 
the Mahratta chieftains received instructions from Il4m B&ja to 
ravage the country. They hovered round the Imperial armies, 
and were exceedingly daring. * * Among them was Sant& Ghor- 

^ Elphinstone calls it ** Birmapiiri near Panderpdr (Pdndharptir) on the Bhima," 
The Surrey Map has " Brnmhapooree," lower down the river than Pdndharp&r, and 
Bouth-west of Shol&p6r. 



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MTJNTAKHABU.L LUBAB. 347 

p6ra and Dahind J&dd, two experienced warrioFS and leaders of 
from fifteen to twenty thousand horse. Other Mahratta chiefs 
submitted to their leadership, and great losses were inflicted on 
the Imperii forces. 

Sant& more especially distin^ished himself in ravaging the 
cultivated districts, and in attacking the royal leaders. Every 
one who encountered him was either killed or wounded and 
made prisoner ; or if any one did escape, it was with his mere 
life, with the loss of his army and baggage. Nothing could 
be done, for wherever the accursed dog went and threatened 
an attack, there was no Imperial amir bold enough to resist 
him, and every loss he inflicted ou their forces made the 
boldest warriors quake. Isra&'il Kh4n was accounted one of the 
bravest and most skilful warriors of the Dakhin, but he was 
defeated in the first action, his army was plundered, and he him- 
self was wounded and made prisoner. After some months he 
obtained his release, on the payment of a large sum of money. 
So also Eustam Eh&n, otherwise called Sharza Kh&n, the Bus- 
tam of the time and as brave as a lion, was defeated by him 
in the district of Sattdra, and after losing his baggage and all 
that he had with him, he was taken prisoner, and had to pay a 
large sum for his ransom. 'Ali Mard&n Kh&n, otherwise called 
Hasaini Beg Haidar&b&di, * * was defeated and made prisoner 
with several others. After a detention of some days, they ob« 
tained their release on paying a ransom of two lac8 of rupees. 

These evil tidings greatly troubled Aurangzeb. * * Further, 
news came that Sant& had fought with J&n-nis&r Eh&n and 
Tahawwur Eh&n, on the borders of the Kamdtik, and had 
inflicted upon them a severe defeat and the loss of their artillery 
and baggage. J&n-nis&r Kh&n was wounded, and escaped with 
difficulty. Tahawwur Kh&n was also wounded, and lay among 
the dead, but was restored to life. Many other renowned amirs 
met with similar defeats. Aurangzeb was greatly distressed, but 
in public he said that the creature could do nothing, for every- 
thing was in the hands of God. 



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348 KHAFr KHAN. 

Thirty-eighth Tear op the Reion, 11Q5 a.h. (1694 a.d.). 

Siege of Jir^i. Arrest of Prince Kdm Bakksh. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 418.] Prince Muhammad K&m Bakhsh, 
with Jamdatu-1 Mulk Asad Eh&n and Zul-fik&r Eh&n Nosrat 
Jang, approached JinjI,^ and encamping about a cannon-shot off 
the fortress, began to prepare for the siege. The fortress of 
Jinji occupies several adjacent hills, on each of which stands a 
fort bearing a distinct name. Two of these hills are yery high, 
and the forts were well furnished with artillery, provisions, and 
all necessary stores. It was impossible to invest all the forts, 
but the lines were -allotted to different commanders, and every 
exertion was made for digging mines and erecting batteries. * * 
The garrison also did their best to put the place in order, and 
make a stout defence. From time to time they fired a gun or 
two. The zaminddra &r and near of the country round, and the 
Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal army on all sides^ and 
showed great audacity in catting off supplies. Sometimes they 
burst unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing great damage to 
thd works, and causing great confusion in the besieging force. * * 

The siege had gone on for a long time, and many men fell ; 
but although the enemy^s relieving force day by day increased, 
Zul-fik&r Eh&n Nusrat Jang and the other generals so pressed 
the siege that it went hard with the garrison. The command of 
the army and the general management of civil and revenue affiurs 
in that part of the country were in the hands of Jamdatu-1 Mulk 
and Nusrat Jang. This gave great offence to Prince Muhammad 
Efim Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-1 .Mulk and Nusrat Jang had to 
admonish him, and speak to him sharply about some youthfxil 
follies. The Prince was greatly offended. The Prince wished 
that the siege should be carried on in his name ; but the generals 
acted on their own authority. Day by day the dissensions 
increased. The besieged were aware of these differences, and 
contrived to open communications with the Prince, and to fan the 
^ Eighty miles south-west of Madras. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LXIBAB. 849 

flames of his <liscoiiteiit, so that great dauger threatened the 
army. 

Intelligence now came of the approach of Sant&, and the 
enemy's forces so closed round the royal army and shut up 
the roads, that for some days there were no communications 
whatever between the array and His Majesty. Messages still 
came to the Prince from the garrison, exciting his apprehensions, 
and holding out allurements. He was vexed with Jamdatu-l 
Mulk's opposition, and no communications arrived from the 
Emperor : so he was on the point of going over to the enemy. 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk and Nusrat Jang were informed of this, and 
they surrounded his tents, and made the Prince prisoner. 

When these troubles and discords were at their height, Santi 
came down upon the royal army with twenty-five thousand 
horse, and reduced it to such stndts, that the commanders 
deemed it expedient to leave their baggage and some of their 
matiriel to be plundered by Santd, and to retire into the hills 
for refuge. Every one was to carry off what he could, and the 
idea was that Santd would stop to plunder what was left, and 
not follow the retreating force. Accordingly the two generals 
retired fighting for some koB^ till they reached the shelter of the 
hills, when they beat off Sant&. A few days afterwards they 
renewed the siege, and the garrison was hard pressed. According 
to report, a sum of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated 
the fortress and retired. 

* When intelligence of the arrest of Prince Muhammad K&m 
Bakhsh reached Aurangzeb, he apparently acquiesced in it as a 
matter of necessity. The news of the reduction of the fortress 
came soon afterwards, and he applauded the services performed 
by the two generals. In reality, he was offended, and summoned 
the Prince with the two generals to his presence. ThQ Prince 
was brought up under arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb, 
he addressed a few words of admonition to Jamdatu-1 Mulk ; but 
afterwards the marks of his displeasure became more apparent. 
Orders were given to set the Prince at liberty. 



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350 EHAFT KHiCN. 

Capture of a Royal Ship by the English. The English 
at Bombay. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 421.] The royal ship called the Oanj-i 
sawdij than which there was no larger in the port of Sarat, used 
to sail every year for the House of God (at Mecca). It was now 
bringing back to Surat fifty-two /ae$ of rupees in silver and gold, 
the produce of the sale of Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda. 
The captain of this ship was Ibr&him Kh&n. ♦ ♦ There were 
eighty guns and four hundred muskets on board, besides other 
implements of war. It had come within eight or nine days of 
Surat, when an English ship came in sight, of much smaller size, 
and not having a third or fourth part of the armament of the 
Ganj'i sawdi. When it came within gun*shot, a gun was fired at 
it from the royal ship. By ill-luck, the gun burst, and three or 
four men were killed by its fragments. About the same time, 
a shot from the enemy struck and damaged the mainmast, on 
which the safety of the vessel depends. The Englishmen 
perceived this, and being encouraged by it, bore down to attack, 
and drawing their swords, jumped on board of their opponent. 
The Christians are not bold in the use of the sword, and there 
were so many weapons on board the royal vessel that if the 
captain had made any resistance, they must have been defeated. 
But as soon as the English began to board, Ibrahim Eh&n ran 
down into the hold. There were some Turki girls whom he had 
bought in Mocha as concubines for himself. He put turbans on 
their heads and swords into their hands, and incited them to 
fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon became 
perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the treasure and 
many prisoners to their own ship. When they had laden their 
ship^ they brought the royal ship to shore near one of their settle- 
ments, and busied themselves for a week searching for plunder, 
stripping the men, and dishonouring the women, both old and 
young. They then left the ship, carrying off the men. Several 
honourable women, when they found an opportunity, threw them* 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 351 

selves into the sea» to preserve their chastity, and some others 
killed themselves with knives and daggers* 

This loss was reported to Anrangzeb, and the news-writers of 
the port of Surat sent some rupees which the English had coined 
at Bombay, with a superscription containing the name of their 
impure King. Aurangzeb then ordered that the English &ctors 
who were residing at Surat for commerce should be seized. 
Orders were also given to Ftim&d Kh&n, superintendent of the 
port of Surat, and Sidi Y&kdt Eh&n, to make preparations for 
besieging the fort of Bombay. The evils arising from the 
English occupation of Bombay were of long standing. The 
English were not at all alarmed at the threatenings. They knew 
that Sidi Y&kdt was offended at some slights he had received. 
But they were more active than usual in building bastions and 
walls, and in blocking up the roads, so that in the end they made 
the place quite impregnable. I'tim&d Kh&n saw all these pre- 
parations, and came to the conclusion that there was no remedy, 
and that a struggle with the English would result only in a 
heavy loss to the customs revenue. He made no serious prepara- 
tions for carrying the royal order into execution, and was not 
willing that one rupee should be lost to the revenue. To save 
appearances, he kept the English factors in confinement, but 
privately he endeavoured to effect an arrangement. After the 
confinement of their fitctors, the English, by. way of reprisal, 
seized upon every Imperial officer, wherever they found one, on 
sea or on shore, and kept them all in confinement. So matters 
went on for a long time. 

During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the mis- 
fortune of seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as 
agent for 'Abdu-r Bazz&k Kh&n at the port of Surat. I had 
purchased goods to the value of nearly two lacs of rupees, 
and had to convey them from Surat to 'Abdu-r Bazz&k, the 
fiwjdar of B&hiri. My route was along the sea-shore through 
the possessions of the Portuguese and English. On arriving 
near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory, 



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352 KRAFT KHAN. 

in consequence of a letter from 'Abdu-r Bazz&k, I waited ten or 
twelve days for the escort of Sidi Ydkut Kh&n. 'Abdu-r 
Bazz&k had been on friendly terms with an Englishman in his 
old Haidar&b&d days, and he had now written to him about 
giving assistance to the convoy. The Englishman sent out the 
brother of his diwdn, very kindly inviting me to visit him. The 
Portuguese captain and my companions were averse to my going 
there with such valuable property. I, however, put my trust in 
God, and went to the Englishman. I told the diwdn's brother, 
that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I 
might have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the 
truth. The Englishman's vakil advised me to say freely what I 
deemed right, and to speak nothing but the truth. 

When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate 
there was on each side of th« road a line of youths, of twelve or 
fourteen years of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets 
on their shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with 
sprouting beards, handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets 
in their hands, were visible on every side. As I went onwards, 
I found Englishmen standing, with long beards, of similar age, 
and with the same accoutrements and dress. After that I saw 
musketeers {bark'anddz)y young men well dressed and arranged, 
drawn up in ranks. Further on, I saw Englishmen with white 
beards, clothed in brocade, with muskets on their shoulders, 
drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect array. Next I saw some 
English children, handsome, and wearing pearls on the borders 
of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as far as the door 
of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in ranks on both 
sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and accoutred as 
for a review. 

I then went straight up to the place where he was seated 
on a chair. He wished me Good-day, his usual form of saluta- 
tion ; then he rose from his chair, embraced me, and signed for 
me to sit down on a chair in front of him. After a few kind 
inquiries, our discourse turned upon different things, pleasant 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. S58 

and unpleasant, bitter and sweet ; but all he said was in a kind 
and friendly spirit towards 'Abdu-r Razz&k. He inquired why 
his &ctor3 had been placed in confinement. Knowing that 
God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered, 
'^ Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy 
of the reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by 
your vncked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise 
man should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with 
its rays.'' He replied, ^^ Those who have an ill-feeling agaiiTst 
me cast upon me the blame for the fault of others. How do you 
know that this deed was the work of my men P by what satis- 
factory proof will you establish this P " I replied, "In that ship I 
had a number of wealthy acquaintances, and two or three poor 
ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard from them that 
when the ship was plundered, and they were taken prisoners, 
some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen, and on 
whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and scars, 
said in their own language, ^ We got these scars at the time of 
the siege of Sidi Y&kdt, but to-day the scars have been removed 
from our hearts,"* A person who was with them knew Hindi and 
Persian, and he translated their words to my friends.''^ 

On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, " It is true they 
may have said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having 
received wounds in the siege of Y&kut Kh&n, were taken pri- 
soners by him. Some of them parted from me, joined the Sabshi^ 
and became Musulm&ns. They stayed with Y&kut Kh&n some 
time, and then ran away from him. But they had not the face 
to come back to me. Now they have gone and taken part with 
the dingmdrSy or aakanas, who lay violent hands on ships upon 
the sea; and with them they are serving as pirates. Your 
sovereign's officers do not understand how they are acting, but 
cast the blame upon me." 

I smiling replied, "What I have heard about your readiness of 
reply and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your 
ability for giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an 
TOL. yn. 23 



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354 KHAFr KHAN. 

exculpatoiy and sensible answer ! Bat you must recall to mind 
that the hereditary Kings of Bijapur and Haidar&b&d and the 
good-for-nothing Sambh& have not escaped the hands of King 
Aurangzeb. Is the island of Bdmbay a sure refuge? " I added, 
''What a manifest declaration of rebellion you have shown in 
coining rupees ! " 

He replied, " We have to send every year a large sum of 
money, the profits of our commerce, to our country, and the 
ccrtns of the King of Hindust&n are taken at a loss. Besides, 
the coins of Hindust&n are of short weight, and much debased ; 
and in this island, in the course of buying and selling them, 
great disputes arise. Consequently we have placed our own 
names on the coins, and have made them current in our own 
jurisdiction." A good deal more conversation passed between 
us, and part of it seemed to vex him ; but he showed himself 
throughout very thoughtful of 'Abdu-r Razz&k Kh&n, and mind- 
ful of his obligation to protect him. When the interview was 
over, he proffered me entertainment in their fashion ; but as I 
had resolved from the first that I would not depart from the 
usual course in the present interview, I accepted only atr and 
jt>dn, and was glad to escape. 

The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from 
betel-nuts and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lac9 
of rupees. The profits of the commerce of these misbelievers, 
according to report, does not exceed twenty laca of rupees. The 
balance of the money required for the maintenance of the English 
settlement is obtained by plundering the ships voyaging to the 
House of God, of which they take one or two every year. Whwi 
the ships are proceeding to the ports of Mocha and Jedda laden 
with the goods of Hindust&n, they do not interfere with them ; 
but when they return bringing gold and silver and Ibrdhimi and 
ridl^ their spies have found out which ship bears the richest 
burden, and they attack it. 

^ " Bix-dollan."— ShakoBpeare'B Dictionary. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 355 

The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Ehanderi, 
Eal&ba, K&sa, and Eatora,^ in the sea opposite the island fortress 
belonging to the Sabshis. Their war-ships craise about these 
forts, and attack vessels whenever they get the opportunity. The , ^ ^ouvv^^^, 
s akana s also, who are sometimes called bairdrily a lawless set of Jnvvv^ ht{^^ 
men belonging to Surat, in the province of Ahmad4b4d, are ^<J^-^^m*^ 

notorious for their piracies, and they attack from time to time the .^ 

small ships which come from Bandar 'Abb&si and Maskat. They • 
do not venture to attack the large ships which carry the pilgrims. 
The reprobate English act in the same way as the sakan 

Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattm. 

[Text, vol, ii. p. 428.] A^long the events of this year was 
the defeat of E&sim Eh&n and * * *, who were sent to Dander! • 
against Santd Ghorpura. ♦ ♦ One day intelligence was brought 
that E&sim Eh£n s advanced force had been attacked by a division 
of the enemy, that all their portable goods had been pluiidered, 
and the standing camp set on fire. * * E&sim Eh&n, on hearing 
this, endeavoured to push forward to their assistance ; but he was 
surrounded by the enemy, and fighting went on till sunset. * * 
They had no food for man or animal. The nobles passed the 
night upon their elephants, and the men with their bridles in 
their hands. • ♦ • At daybreak, the enemy became more 
daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas 
swarmed on all sides. • ♦ For three days the royal forces, over- 
matched and surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy ; 
but E&sim Eh&n was at length compelled to give ground and to 

^ The ialands of Khanderi or Kenery, Kolaba, and K&iLBa near Jinjera. Katora 
has not been identified. 

>The Tazkira-i Chaghaidi calls it <<the little fort of Ddndheri"; bat the 
Ma-dtir-i 'Alamgiri says " the little fort of Dirandi," and giyes *' Dadheri " as the 
plaoe of Himmat Kh&n's death {potty p. 357). Scott (toI. ii. p. 95) caUs it " Dnn- 
doore," and Grant Duff (toI. i. p. 388) ** Dodairee." There is a fort of Dodairee in 
the Snrrey Map, about 25 miles N.E. of Chitaldr6gy which lb the locality fixed upon 
by Elphinstone. It is wrongly written '* Bod6ri " in Elphinstone's map. Accord- 
ing to the T. Ohaffknidif Himmat Eh&n was in a plaoe called Bisw&patan before he 
marched to his death. 



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356 KHAFI KHAN. 

retire fighting, to the shelter of the fort of Danderi. The chief 
men got some hay and com from the fort, but the soldiers got no 
food. MoYcment in any direction was scarcely possible. Thus 
they remained for three or four days under the shelter t>f the 
walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to protect 
themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and 
cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas. While the fighting 
went on, the gates of the fort were kept closed^ and the traders 
and inhabitants within let down food from the walls and sold it. 
On the fourth or fifth day the enemy got intelligence that 
Himmat Eh&u was coming with a force to the rescue. Sant& 
left half his force to keep E£sim Kh&n's army invested, and 
with the other [narched against Himmat Kh&n. On learning 
that another force belonging to B&m B&ja would act against 
Himmat Kh&n, he returned to his former position. 

Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and E&sim 
Kh&n, with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in 
the fort secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in 
arms. * * K&sim Kh^ went out at night with the ostensible 
purpose of making the rounds. Several reasons made it inex- 
pedient to enter the gate, near which so many men and officers 
were gathered; so he ascended the walls by a rope-ladder. 
Buhu-Ilah E^h&n, Saf-shikan Ehan, and a crowd of soldiers in 
great tumult made their way in by the gate. Muhammad 
Mur&d Eh&n and others, hearing of this, followed the 
example. ♦ * ♦ In fine, for a month they were besieged within 
the four walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them. 
They were compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding 
horses, which were themselves nearly starved. For all the 
greatest care and economy, the stores of grain in the fort were 
exhausted. * * To escape from starvation many men threw 
themselves from the walls and trusted to the enemy's mercy. * * 
People brought fruit and sweetmeats fi^m the enemy's bdzdr to 
the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant prices. * * 
Beverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain, reduced 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 357 

the garrison to the yeige of death. E&sim Kh&n, according to 
report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion 
of opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage. 

Ruhu-Uah E^h&n and the other officers were compelled to 
make overtures for a capitulation* * * Some officers went out 
to settle the terms of the ransom. Sant& said, '^Besides the 
elephants and horses, and money and property, which you have 
with you, I will not take less than a ^ of huna^ equivalent to 
three Iocs and 50,000 rupees. A Dakhini officer said, " What 
are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle. This is a ransom 
which I would fix for Ruhu-Uah Kh&n alone." Finally, seven 
Iocs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of which 
was to be distributed among the officers. Each one's share was 
settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransc^m, and to 
leave a relation or officer of rank with Sant& as bail for payment. 
Sant&'s officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each 
officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others 
were allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their 
arms. Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants, 
etc., were confiscated by Santi. ♦ ♦ The government and 
personal property lost during this war and siege exceeded fifty 
or sixty lacB of rupees. * ♦ 

Sant& was delighted with the terms he had made with the 
defeated army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Kh&n 
was approaching by forced marches to the relief of the besieged 
army. Sant& divided his forces into two divisions, and marched 
to meet him. At the distance of sixteen koa the force under 
command of Santd fell in with Himmat Kh&n, and a great battle 
followed. Himmat Kh&n fought with great spirit and bravery. 
Numberless IVIahrattas were slain, and many of his own army 
perished. Saut&'s forces retreated, and the royal forces were led 
against the second army. Himmat Kh&n made arrangements 
for the pursuit. By orders of Sant& many musketeers had taken 
positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to impede the 
advance of Himmat Kh&n. Some of the best marksmen had 



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358 EHXFr KHAN. 

climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick 
branches. When Himmat Kh&n approached, a ball entered his 
forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and 
elephants and monitions of war belonging to Himmat £h&n then 
fell bodily into the hands of Sant&. 

Thiett-ninth Tear of thb Beign, 1106 a.h. (1694-5 a.d.). 
The Royal Princes. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 434.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Shfih had 
gone to Kharpa (Eaddapa)^ to punish the rebels and to settle 
affairs. The insalubrity of the climate affected his health, and 
dropsy supervened. He returned to Court, and experienced 
physicians were appointed to attend him. * * His illness 
became so serious that his couch was placed near the chamber of 
the Emperor, who showed his paternal solicitude by administer- 
ing his medicine, by partaking of food with him, and doing 
everything he could to restore him to health. Gtod at length 
gave him a perfect cure. 

Directions were now given for the release of Prince Shih 
'Alam, who had been kept under restraint for seven years. ♦ * 
His release [with the provision made for hirn] was very annoying 
to Prince Muhammad A'zam and his partisans. 

While Prince Sh&h ^^lam was in confinement, the Emperor 
had shown great favour to Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h, who 
considered himself to be the heir apparent. But now that the 
elder Prince was restored to full liberty, and to a greater share 
of attention than before. Prince Muhammad A'zam was much 
aggrieved. ♦ ♦ One day the King took the hand of Prince 
Sh&h 'Alam, and placed him on his right hand. * * Then he 
took the hand of Prince Muhammad A'zam, and made signs for 
him to sit down on his left. This greatly annoyed Prince Mu- 
hammad A*zam, and an open quarrel was imminent. * * After 
a time Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, who had been entitled 
Shah 'Alara, was honoured with the title Bah&dur Sh&h, and 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 859 

was sent to settle the affairs of ^gnh, and to panish the rebels in 
that quarter. * * Soon afterwards Prince Muhammad A'zam 
was ordered with his sons to K&bal, and Prince MuMzza-d din 
to Mult&n. 

Death of Santd Ohorpura. 

[p. 445.] The death of Sant& at this time was a great 
piece of good fortune for Aurangzeb. The exact particulars of 
his death are not known ; but I will relate what I have heard 
from men of credit who were with the army. 6hazlu-d din 
Eh&n Firoz Jang, who had been sent to chastise Santi and 
other robbers, was four or five marches from Bij&pur. * * In- 
telligence was brought that Sant& Ghorpdra, with an army of 
25,000 horse, was at a distance of eight or nine kos. * * Firoz 
Jang marched towards Bij&ptir, and when he was eight or nine 
ko8 distant from the city his scouts brought him word that there 
was a quarrel between Sant& and Dahin& J&du, both of whom 
were sendpatis^ or generals, * * and they were constantly trying 
to get the better of each other. Sant& was very severe in the 
punishments he inflicted on his followers. For a trifling offence 
he would cast a man under the feet of an elephant. Many of 
the Mahratta chiefs had ill-blood against him, and they had 
conspired with Dahin& J&du, by letters and by messengers, to 
get rid of him. Hanumant R&i, a sarddr of distinction, at the 
instigation of Dahin& J&dd, made an attack in concert with 
Jadil's army upon Sant&. Dahin& had also won over the great 
officers who were in company with Sant&. They plundered 
Sant&^s baggage, and several of the principal rdwats of his army 
went over to Hanumant. Many of his men were killed and 
wounded, and he himself, being deprived of his power, fled to the 
hills and his own tndwals, * * 

On receipt of orders from Aurangzeb, Firoz Jang went in 
pursuit of Sant&. Dahina J&dd's army pursued him on the 
other side. Sant&'s forces were entirely separated from him and 



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360 KHAFr KRKN. 

dispersed. Nfigoji Manai,^ a Mahratta sarddvy had served for 
some time in the Imperial army, but subsequently joined his 
own people. This part of the country was his native land. 
Several years before, Santi had thrown a brother of N&goji 
under the feet of an elephant, and this had produced a mortal 
hatred. Under the guidance of his wife, he led a party in 
pursuit of Santd. He reached a place where Sant&, worn and 
weary, and without attendants, was bathing in a stream. He 
approached him suddenly, and killed him unawares. He then 
cut off his head, and, placing it in a bag, fastened it behind him 
on his horse, and carried it off to Dahin& J&du. On the road 
the bag fell off, and was picked up by some runners and horse- 
men belonging to the army of Firoz Jang, who were in pursuit 
of Sant&. The head was recognized, and was carried to Lutfii- 
Uah Kh&n, commander of Firoz Jang'^s advanced guard. * * It 
was finally sent to Aurangzeb, who gave the bearer of it the 
title of Khush-khabar Kh&n. The drums of joy were beaten, 
and the head was ordered to be exposed with ignominy before 
the army and in several places of the Dakhin. 

'Abdu-r Razzdk Ldri. 

[p. 448.] 'Abdu-r Bazz&k L&ri, from the day of entering the 
royal service, had sought for an excuse for going to his native 
country. • * He was now deprived o( the faujddri of Rdhiri, and 
summoned to Court. He did not go, but wrote desiring to be 
relieved from his mamaby and to be allowed to go to Mecca. 
The leave was given, * ♦ but every means was taken to satisfy 
him, and to avert him from his design. But he would not 
consent, so he received written leave to depart with his family 
and property, and with marks of favour. His three sons did not 
accompany him, but remained at Court. 

> The text has N6kon& Miy&n, Nakom& Min&, etc. Grant DnfTs Terdon of the 
name hat heen adopted. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBXB. 361 

FoBTiFTH Tear of the Reign, 1107 a.h. (1695-6 a.d.). 

Bdm Raja. Prince Akbar, Flood. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 450.] R&m Rija, brother of Sambhd, having 
left the fort of J&t, in the district of R&jgarh, went to Jinji and 
other strong places. He then proceeded to the fort of Satt&ra, 
where he remained seven months. When he was informed of the 
murder of Sant&, he sent for Dahind J&du, to consult with him 
about getting together an army, and recommencing the war. 

Prince Muhammad Akbar, after the accession of Sult&n 
Husain to the throne of Persia, repeatedly asked for the help 
of an army to reinstate him in Hinddstan. The new Shdh, 
like his predecessor, excused himself. * * The Prince then com- 
plained that the climate of Isfah&n did not agree with him, and 
asked permission to reside for a while in Qarmsir. The request 
was granted, and assignments were made of the revenues of that 
.province for his support. So the Prince proceeded thither, with 
an appointed escort of 10,000 kazilbdsAes. 

In the month of Muharram of this year the river Bhanra,^ 
near which the royal camp was pitched, rose to a great height, 
and overflowed, causing enormous destruction. The amirs had 
built many houses there. The waters began to overflow at mid- 
night, when all the world was asleep. * * The floods carried off 
about ten or twelve thousand men, with the establishments of 
the King, and the princes and the amirs^ horses, bullocks and 
cattle in countless numbers, tents and furniture beyond all count. 
Numberless houses were destroyed, and some were so completely 
carried away that not a trace of them was left. Great fear fell 
on all the army. * ♦ The King wrote out prayers with his own 
hand, and ordered them to be thrown into the water, for the 
purpose of causing it to subside. ♦ ♦ 

' The Bhima. The name is written here <<Bhanra," bnt the Index makes it 
" Bhanbara." In the Eddahdh-ndma it was " BhtSnrft" [auprd^ p. 64). 



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362 KHAFI KHAN. 

FORTY-FIEST YeAR OP THE ReIGN, 1108 A.H. (1696-7 A.D.). 

[Attempt to murder Sidi Ydkut Khdn of Jazira.] 

Forty-second Year of the Beign, 1109 a.h. (1697-8 a.d.). 
The Mahrattaa. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 457.] Nib& Sindhid and other officers of 
Bdm R&ja, with an army of eight thousand horse, came to the 
district of Nandurb&r, and attacked and burnt several villages. 
When he heard that Hnsain "AH TShin was approaching from 
Th&lir,^ he suspended his operations against Nandurbar, and went 
to meet him. Husain Eh&n had only seven or eight hundred 
horse and two or three thousand provincial musketeers and 
archers; but he went forth to meet the enemy. They en- 
countered each other at two koa from the town of Th&llr, and a 
fierce action ensued. * * The number of Sindhi&^s forces 
enabled him to surround Husain 'All Kh&n, about three hundred 
of whose men were killed. The day went against Husain 'Ali, 
and he had received two or three wounds. Dripping with blood, 
he threw himself from his elephant ; but he had no strength left 
for fighting, so he was surrounded and made prisoner. All his 
baggage, his men, and elephants were captured. 

In addition to the cash and property which they had got by 
plunder^ the enemy fixed two lacs of rupees as the price of the 
ransom of the prisoners. After much exertion, nearly one lac and 
80,000 rupees was raised from ihtjdgirs^ and frt>m the property 
which had been left in the town of Th&lir. To make up the 
balance, the Mrrdfs and merchants of Nandurb&r were importuned 
to raise a sum, small or great, by way of loan. But they would 
not consent. The inhabitants of the town of Nandurb&r had 
not paid the ehauth to the Mahrattas, and being supported by the 
favijddr^ they had closed their gates, which greatly annoyed the 
enemy (Mahrattas). Husain 'Ali Eh&n also was greatly incensed 

^ <• T&laer," east of Nandorb&r. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 363 

by their refosal to assist him ; so he took counsel with the enemy, 
and agreed that after a siege of a day or two, and some exhibition 
offeree, he wonld open the gates to them. He made it a condition 
that the raiyats should not be plundered, but that the great and 
wealthy men, the sarrdfs^ the merchants, and the mukaddams, 
might be put to the rack and tortured until the balance of the 
ransom due to the Mahrattas was discharged. The result was 
that a sum of one lac and forty thousand rupees was paid to 
the Mahrattas instead of eighty thousand, and that Husain ^Ali 
Eh&n himself realized nearly thirty thousand rupees. When 
(the result of the action) was reported to Aurangzeb^ he was very 
angry, and said that there was no use in fighting when too weak 
to win. 

FOBTY-THIRD TbAB OF THE ReIGN, 1110 A.H. (1698-9 A.D.). 

Campaign against the Mahrattas. Siege of Sattdra. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 459.] The daring inroads of the Mahrattas 
brought Aurangzeb to the resolution of waging a holy war 
against them, and of reducing the fortresses which were their 
homes and defences. His camp had now remained at Isl&mpuri 
four years, and fine mansions and houses had been built there, so 
that a new city had sprung up, and men thought they would 
never move far away. Orders were given for throwing up earth- 
works round the place, and the officers and men worked so well 
that in fifteen or twenty days a defence was raised which might 
have occupied six or seven months. The Naw&b Kudsiya 
Zinatu-n Nissa, sister of Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h, and 
mother of Muhammad E&m Bakhsh, with other ladies of the 
royal household, were left there under the charge of Jamdatu-1 
Mulk Asad Kh&n. Orders were also given that all amirs and 
officers should leave their wives and families and property 
behind. The people belonging to the royal establishments were 
also to remain. Strict orders were also given that no ahadi 
should take his wife or children with him. Great s'tress was laid 



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364 KHAFT KHAN. 

upon this order, but in the marches and campaigns of Hindust&n 
such orders could not be enforced without resorting to such 
punishments as the Princes of the House of Timtir held to be 
inconsistent with their sense of justice. So the order was not 
obeyed as it ought to have been. On the 5th Jum&da-l 
awwal the army marched towards the fort of Basant-garh,^ and 
in twenty days it arrived at Murtazs^-4bad, or Mirich. There 
Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h came, in obedience to summons, 
from Bir-g&nw. 

B&m B&ja, brother of the deceased Sambh&, had, under the 
pressure of the royal armies, abandoned his fortresses and fled, 
taking refuge in the hills and places of difficult access. When 
he heard of the royal design upon the fortresses, he went off 
towards Bir&r, ravaging the towns and inhabited places. The 
Zaminddr of Deogarh, in consequence of disturbances in his 
country, and the superior force of those who disputed the inheri- 
tance, had fled to the Court of Aurangzeb, and had received the 
title of Buland-bakht upon his becoming a Musulm&n. Upon 
hearing of the death of his competitor, he hastened back to 
Deogarh without leave, and opposed the officers who were 
appointed to collect the tribute. He now joined B&m B&ja in 
plundering the country. His Majesty ordered that his name 
should be changed to Nigiin-bakht, and that Prince Bed&r 
Bakht should march against him with a suitable force. * * 
Bdhu-Uah Eh&n Bakhshi, with H&midu-d din Eh&n, were sent 
to plunder the environs of the forts of Pam&la and Satt&ra. 
When the royal army came near to Basant-garh, Tarbiyat Kh&n, 
the commander of artillery, was ordered to take steps for invest- 
ing the place and throwing up lines. * * The word was given for 
an assault, but the besieged were frightened and surrendered. 
Aurangzeb gave to the place the name KiM-i futdhy £ey of 
Victory. 

At the end of Jum&da-s s&ni the royal army arrived opposite 
Satt&ra, and the camp was pitched at the distance of a ko9 and 

^ Between the KiBtn& and Koeena, abont thirty miles south of Satt&ra. 



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MITNTAKHABU-L LFBAB. 865 

a half. Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h encampBd on another 
side, and the amirs and officers were posted according to the 
judgment of Tarbiyat Eh&n. They all vied with each other in 
throwing up lines, digging mines, and in carrying on other siege 
operations. * * On both sides a heavy fire was kept up, ♦ ♦ and 
the garrison rolled down great stones, which came bounding down 
and crushed many men and animals. The rain obstructed the 
arrival of com ; the enemy were very daring in attacking the 
convoys, and the country for twenty kos round the fortress had 
been burnt, so that grain and hay became veiy scarce and dear. 
A battery twenty-four yards (dar^a) high was thrown up in fiwe 
of the hill, and on the Prince's side also the batteries were 
carried to the foot of the hill. A hundred and sixty thousand 
rupees were paid for the services of the troops and mdwalis of 
that country, who are very efficient in sieges. * * Matters went 
hard with the garrison, and the chance of firing a gun or a 
musket was no longer in their power; all they could do was to 
roll down stones from the walls. ♦ * 

Stone-masons were employed by the besiegers to cut two vaults 
in the side of the rock four yards long and ten yards broad, 
which were to be used as stations for sentinels. But when they 
were found not to answer for this purpose, they were filled with 
powder. ♦ ♦ On the morning of the 5th Zi-1 ka'da, in the fourth 
month of the siege, one of these was fired. The rock and the 
wall above it were blown into the air and fell inside the fortress. 
Many of the garrison were blown up and burnt. The besiegers, 
on beholding this, pushed boldly forwards. At that time the 
second mine was fired. A portion of the rock above was blown 
up, but instead of falling into the fortress, as was expected, it 
came down upon the heads of the besiegers like a mountain of 
destruction, and several thousands^ were buried under it. * * 
The garrison then set about repairing the walls, and they again 
opened fire and rolled down the Ufe-destroying stones. 

When Aurangzeb was informed of the disaster, and of the 
1 « Nearly two thousand."— ifo-iifir-ril'ANfi^H. 



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366 KHAFr KHAN. 

despondency of his men, he mounted his horse^ and went to the 
scene of action as if in search of death. He gave orders that the 
bodies of the dead should be piled upon each other, and made to 
serve as shields against the arrows of calamity ; then with the 
ladder of resolution, and the scaling-ropes of boldness, the men 
should rush to the assault. When he perceived that his words 
made no impression on the men, he was desirous to lead the way 
himself, accompanied by Muhammad A'zam Sh&h. But the 
nobles objected to this rash proposition. Afterwards he addressed 
his soldiers in encouraging words ♦ * [and gave freah orders for 
the conduct of the siege']. 

An extraordinary incident now occurred. A great number of 
Hindu infantry soldiers had been killed all at once (in the explo* 
sion), and their friends were unable to seek and bring out their 
bodies. The violence of the shock had entirely disfigured them, 
and it was not possible to distinguish between Musulm&n and 
Hindu, friend and stranger. The flames of animosity burst forth 
among all the gunners against the commander of the artillery. 
So at night they secretly set fire to the defences (marhaJa\^ 
which had been raised at great trouble and expense against 
the fire from above, in the hope and with the design that the 
fire might reach the corpses of the slaughtered Hindus. A great 
conflagration followed, and for the space of a week served as a 
bright lamp both for besiegers and besieged. A number of Hindus 
and Musulmdns who were alive in the huts were unable to escape, 
and were burnt, the living with the dead. 



Death of Rdm Rdja. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 468.] The news-writers now reported that 
Bdm E&ja, after meeting with some reverses in his raid upon 
Bir&r, was returning to the hills of his own territory. On his 
way he died, leaving three sons of tender years, and two wives. 

* " "Which were coMtructed entirely of wood."— ifa-</nr-t ^AUmgiri^ p. 419. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 367 

Soon afterwards it was annoanced that the eldest son, a boy 
of five years of age, had died of small-pox. The chiefs then 
made T&rk B&i, the chief wife, and mother of one son, regent. 
She was a clever intelligent woman, and had obtained a repu- 
tation during her husband's lifetime for her knowledge of civil 
and military matters. T&r& Ba( proceeded to the hills of difficult 
approach. 

On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor ordered the drums 
of rejoicing to be beaten, * * and the soldiers congratulated 
each other, * * saying that another prime mover in the strife 
was removed, * * and that it would not be difficult to overcome 
two young children and a helpless woman. They thought their 
enemy weak, contemptible and helpless ; but T&r& B&i, as the 
wife of B&m B&ja was called, showed great powers of com- 
mand and government, and from day to day the war spread and 
the power of the Mahrattas increased. 

Surrender of Sattdra and Capture of ParlL 

[Text, p. 470.] At the death of B&m Bdja, a chief named 
Parsa B&m was in the fort of Parli,^ acting in that country as 
diwdn in revenue matters for B&m B&ja. On hearing of his 
decease, without consulting with the commandant of the fort, he 
came and made his submission to Aurangzeb. The commandant 
also, being dismayed, sent a proposal of surrender upon terms. At 
the same time Sobh&n, the commander of Satt&ra, was troubled 
by the blowing up of the wall on one side of the fortress and the 
burning of a great number of his men. The death of B&m 
B&ja added to his perplexity. He was at feud with the com- 
mandant of fort Parli, and he sent a message to Aurangzeb, 
through Prince Muhammad A^zam, offering to capitulate on 
honourable terms, if the proposal of the commandant of Farli 
were rejected. He was willing to give up the keys of Satt&ra at 
once, and would undertake to place Parli in Aurangzeb^s hands 
1 Six milef souih-weBt of Satttou 



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868 KHAFf KHAN. 

unconditionally in a short time, without any promise of security. 
On the 16th Zi-1 ka'da he surrendered the keys, and more than 
three thousand persons, male and female, came out of the fort 
upon promise of safety. Great rejoicings followed. Sobh&n was 
brought, bound hand and neck, to the foot of the throne ; but 
orders were given for the forgiveness of his offences^ and for 
loosening his bonds. He was appointed to a mansab of five 
thousand and two thousand horse, and a horse, an elephant, etc., 
were presented to him. 

After the surrender of Satt&ra, Aurangzeb marched against 
Farli, the commandant of that fort having been diverted by bis 
advisers from his intention of surrendering. ParK is a more lofty 
fort than Sattara, and it had been put into a state of preparation. 
* * On the 10th Zi-1 hijja many men were killed in an attempted 
assault, but in a short time the garrison was pressed very hard. 
The besiegers were greatly incommoded by the heavy rain, which 
in this part of the country falls for five months without an hour's 
interval by night or day, and by lack of supplies, the convoys 
being cut off by the enemy who swarmed around. * * The 
garrison showed great daring in coming suddenly down the hill 
and attacking the besiegers; but the repeated attacks and the 
daring of Fathu-llah Eh&n at length prevailed, and a proposition . 
of capitulation was made. At the beginning of Muharram, 
after a siege of a month and a half, the fortress was taken, and 
the men of the garrison marched out with their families and their 
old clothes. * * The name of Satt&ra was changed to A'zam- 
tdrd, and of Parli to Nauras-tird. 

Aurangzeb then determined to return, but there was little 
means of carriage, for the rains and the bad climate ♦ ♦ had 
. affected the animals, so that those that were alive were nothing 
but skin and bone. Some of the baggage and maUriel was carried 
away, some was left in the forts, and some was burnt. ♦ * On 
reaching the river Kistnd, there was great difficulty in crossing 
it. * * Some men attempted to swim over, but nine out of ten 
were drowned, * * and thousands remained behind and died. 



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MITNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 369 

In the middle of Sa&r the army reached an obsoare fort, which 
offered sufficient protection for a few days, and an order was 
issued for a month's rest there. The rains, which had continued 
so far, now ceased, and the men of the army found a little 
comfort. 

Some proceedings of Prince Muhammad A''zam were dis- 
pleasing to His Majesty, and his diyision of the army was in a 
bad state ; so that, although he had shown great diligence and 
enterprise in the reduction of the fort of Pam&la and other forts, 
he was sent, in order to appease the troops, to be Gk)yemor of 
the province of Ujjain. In the same way, several officers of the 
army were sent to their jdgirs at ten or twelve days^ distance, 
to Bfj&pur, and to other places in the vicinity. Prince Bed&r 
Bakht was directed to lay siege to the fort of Pam&la, and Zu-1 
fik&r Eh&n and Tarbiyat Kh&n received orders to follow him 
with the artillery. 

As many men had been lost in the reduction of the fortresses, 
strict orders were sent to the Siibaddra of Burh&npur, Bij&pur, 
Haidarab&d, Ahmadab&d, and other provinces far and near, to 
raise (each) a thousand men, well horsed, to advance them 
six months^ pay out of the State revenues, and to send 
them to the royal camp. Aurangzeb, with the intention of 
giving his men rest, went to Ehaw&spur,^ a place well supplied 
with grass and hay, and fruit-trees and water. At the end of 
Babru-l awwal the royal camp was pitched at that place, and the 
abundance of provisions soon restored the spirits of the army. 
* * But here also the army was to suffer hardship. The camp 
was pitched by the side of a ndla containing only a little water, 
and, as the rainy season was over, there was no expectation of 
a heavy fall of rain. But rain which fell out of season in the hills 
and distant places sent down a flood of water, which inun- 
dated the camp, * * causing confusion and distress which defy 
description. 

The fort of Pam&la had been (formerly) taken by Prince 

1 « On the Panics of the Mfrn riyer."— Grant Duff, yol. i. p. 895. 
VOL. vn. 24 



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370 KHAPr KHAN. 

Muhammad A^zam, and had remained for some time in the 
royal possession. But in the thirty-fifth year of the reign the 
enemy regained possession of it. * * On the 10th Shaww&l the 
(royal) army reached Pun-garh, a fort connected with Pam&la. 

FORTY-FOUETH YeAE OF THE BeIGK, 1111 A.H. (1699-1700 A.D.). 

[Sieffe of PamcUa.] 

FOETT-FIPTH YeAE OP THE EeIGN, 1112 A.H. (1700-1 A.D.). 

Sieffes of Forts. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 489.] The siege (of Pamdla) had endured for 
two months, and repeated attempts had been made to carry the 
place by escalade. ♦ ♦ At length, when the garrison was hard 
pressed, the commandant surrendered the fort, having secretly 
received a sum of money from Prince Muhammad Kim Bakhsh 
and Tarbiyat Eh&n, with whom he had been in correspondence. 
At the end of Zi-1 hijja the keys were given up, and both the 
forts were evacuated. 

The army was about to march, when a violent storm came 
on [and did great damage]. In the beginning of Muharram, 1113, 
it was determined to march towards Eah&wan, where there was 
plenty of grass and grain. Fathu-llah Kh&n was sent with a 
force to chastise the plundering Mahrattas, and to subdue their 
forts. ♦ * He killed many of the enemy near the four forts in 
that neighbourhood, * * and, on hearing of his approach, the 
enemy abandoned the fort of P&ras-garh.^ Bahramand Kh&n 
was sent along with Fathu-llah Eh&n against the fort of 
Chandan-mandan,^ * * and by the middle of Jum&da-l awwal all 
the four forts were subdued. 

On the 16th Jum&da*l &khir the royal army moved from 
P&nch-g&nw, to effect the conquest of the fort of Khelna.' The 

^ Also called SkAik-gath,— Index to the Text, 

3 Chandan and Wandan are sister forts a little north of Satt&ra. 

s See Mfpra, p. 278. 



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MTJNTAKHABTJ-L LUBAB. 871 

difficulties of the road were great. * * Amba-gh&t,^ at a 
distance of two days' march, took twelve days to reach. * * 
Prince Bed&r Bakht was ordered to Ml back on Bani Sh&h 
Darak (aa Pam&Ia was now called), to punish the enemy, who 
were closing the roads in that direction, * ♦ and to prevent any 
supplies being thrown into Khelna from that quarter. Mu- 
hammad Amin Khkn was likewise ordered to the Amb&-gh&t, 
to cut off any supplies intended for the fort, and to succour the 
convoys of Banjdras bearing grain for the royal army. He 
showed no lack of zeal in these duties ; and was so active in 
ravaging and burning the inhabited places, in killing and making 
prisoners the people, and in seizing and carrying off the cattle, 
that any sign of cultivation, or the name or trace of a Mahratta, 
was not to be found. ♦ ♦ 

The siege works were pushed on until a mine was carried near 
to the gate. In the raising of the earthworks,^ camel saddled 
and baskets innumerable were used, full of earth and rubbish and 
litter, heads of men and feet of quadrupeds; and these were 
advanced so far that the garrison were intimidated. 

FoETY-sixTH Tear of the Reign, lllS a.h. (1701-2 a.d.). 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 499.] Fathu-Uah Khin Bahadur showed 
extraordinary zeal and bravery in pushing forward the siege 
works (of Khelna), and never rested from his labours. ♦ * Paras 
B&m, the commandant of the fort, being much discouraged, held 
communications with Prince Bed&r Bakht as to his personal 
safety, and the acceptance of his proposals* But his demands 
were not acceded to. Ruhu-Uah Khdn, etc., went several times 
into the fort to arrange terms, but without result. At length, 
according to common rumour, the Prince and some of the amim 
sent him secretly a sum of money, and a promise of security for 
himself and &mily, on condition of his surrendering. So, after 

* In the Gh&ta just below Lat. 17. 
> damdama, lit. " batteries." 



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372 KHAPr KHAN, 

six months^ siege, on the 19th Muharranif 1113 (16 Jane, 1701X 
the flags of the Prince and of Biihu-IIah Eh&n were hoisted over 
the fortress by Paras B&m, the commandant, "himself^ who had 
stipalated that no man of the royal army should go in with the 
flag. He solicited a night's grace, and through shame he and 
his family went oat during the darkness of the sight, with all the 
property they could carry. A large number of the garrison 
remained in the fort, but the Emperor in his mercy ordered 
that no one of them should be molested ; so they came out and 
departed to their native wilds. * * The name of the fort was 
altered to Sakhkharaland. 

The clemency and long suffering and care of the Emperor 
were such that, when he ascertained that several fortresses had 
been long and vigorously besieged by the forces appointed to the 
duty, and that the garrisons were in difficulty, he paid sums of 
money to the <sommandants, and so got the forts into his posses- 
sion. It often happened also that he gave the same sum of 
money, neither more nor less, to the officer conducting the siege. 
The heavy rains, and the overflow of the rivers and streams, had 
induced Aurangzeb to defer his march until the end of the rainy 
season. But he was moved by the irresolution and the advice 
of some of his amirSy who pined for ease, and complained of the 
deamess of grain and the insalubrity of the climate, and by the 
grumbling of the inexperienced and hard-tried soldiers. So at 
the end of Muharram he marched for Bir-g&nw.^ [^Gh^eat diffi^ 
cultieSy dangers and losses from rains and floodsJ] In the coarse 
of one month and seventeen days the fourteen kos between the 
forts of Khelna and Pam&la were traversed, and on the 12th 
Babi'u-l awwal the camp was pitched under the latter. [^Further 
hardships of the march and great difficulty in crossing the Kistnd.^ 
Seventeen days were occupied in the transit of the river, ♦ ♦ * 
but Bah&dur-g&rh ^ was at length reached, and there the army 
halted for a month. ♦ * At the end of Bajab, though only half 
B, life remained in -the bodies of the men, the army marched to 
*■ See note, post^ p. 883« 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 373 

effect the conquest of Eand&na. On the 16th it reached that 
fortress [and the siege icaa at once begun']. 

FOBTY-SEVBNTH YeAR OF THE ReIGN, 1114 A.H. (1702-3 A.D.). 

The Mahrattas^ 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 510.] After the siege (of Eand&na^) had 
gone on for three months and a half, and many men had been 
killed, and the directors of the siege were in difficalty, the fort^ 
was bought from the commandant for a sam of money. The 
army then marched and remained for a month at Puna, and the 
neighbouring villages.' ♦ ♦ In the middle of Bajab the army 
marched against R&jgarh, the earliest fortress and retreat of the 
restless infidels of this country. * * At the beginning of Sha^b&n 
the army sat down before the fort. The circuit of the fort was 
so great, twelve has in measurement, that a complete investment 
sufficient to prevent the throwing in of supplies was impossible. 
* * On the 15th Shaww&l the royal flag was planted on the first 
gate of the fortress, and many of the garrison were slain or put 
to flight. * * But Hainaji, the commander, kept up an ineffec- 
tual resistance for twelve days longer, when he asked for terms. 
They were conceded on condition that the commander himself 
should come to the first gate, carry the royal flag into the 
fortress, and evacuate the place on the next day. * * Next day 
the garrison marched out with their femilies, and all the property 
they could carry. * * The fort received the name of Bani-Shdh- 
garh. 

When R&m Edja died, leaving only widows and infants, men 
thought that the power of the Mahrattas over the Dakhin was 
at an end. But T&r& B&i, the elder wife, made her son of three 
years old successor to his father, and took the reins of govern- 

1 Now Singarh, eight miles south of Pdna. 

3 ** The name Bakhshinda-bakhsh was given to it " (eeepoit, p. 382). 
' Prince Muhfa-1 Hulk, son of Prince E&m Bakhsh, died here, so the name of 
TtLiUL was changed to Mnhf&h&d. 



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374 KHAPr KHAN. 

ment into her o^n hands. She took vigorous measures for 
ravaging the Imperial territory^ asd sent armies to plunder the 
six Mas of the Dakhin as far as Sironj, Mandisor, and the Ma 
of Malw&. She won the hearts of her officers, and for all the 
struggles and schemes, the campaigns and sieges of Aurangzeb 
up to the end of his reign, the powor of the Mahrattas increased 
day by day. By hard fighting, by the expenditure of the vast 
treasures accumulated by Sh&h Jah&n, and by the sacrifice of 
many thousands of men, he had penetrated into their wretched 
countiy, had subdued their lofty forts, and had driven them 
from house and home ; still the daring of the Mahrattas in- 
creased, and they penetrated into the old territories of the 
Imperial throne, plundering and destroying wherever they went. 
In imitation of the Emperor, who with his army and enterprising 
amirs was staying in those distant mountains, the commanders 
of T&r& TSki cast the anchor of permanence wherever they pene- 
trated, and having appointed kamdish'ddrs (revenue collectors), 
they passed the years and months to their satisfaction, with 
their wives and children, tents and elephants. Their daring went 
beyond all bounds. They divided all the districts {parganaa) 
among themselves, and following the practice of the Imperial rule, 
they appointed their siibaddrs (provincial governors), kamdish- 
ddrs (revenue collectors), and r&hddra (toll-collectors). 

Their principal siihaddr is commander of the army. When- 
ever he hears of a large caravan, he takes six or seven thousand 
horse and goes to plunder it. He appoints kamdish-ddrs every- 
where to collect the chauth^ and whenever, from the resistance of 
the zaminddrs hnifau/ddra, the kamdish-ddr is unable to levy the 
chauthy he hastens to support him, and besieges and destroys his 
towns. And the rdhddr of these evil-doers takes from small 
parties of merchants, who are anxious to obtain security from 
plunder, a toll upon every cart and bullock, three or four times 
greater than the amount imposed by the faujddrs of the govern- 
ment. This excess he shares with the corrupt jdgirddrs and 
faujddrSy and then leaves the road open. In every suba (province) 



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HUNTAKHABU-L LTJBKB. 375 

he builds one or two forts, which he makes his strongholds, and 
ravages the country round. The mukaddamSy or head men of 
the villages, with the countenance and co-operation of the infidel 
siibaddrSj have built forts, and with the aid and assistance of the 
Mahrattas they make terms with the royal officers as to the 
payment of their revenues. They attack and destroy the country 
as far as the borders of Ahmad&b&d and the districts of M &lw&, 
and spread their devastations through the provinces of the 
Dakhin to the environs of Ujjain. They fall upon and plunder 
large caravans within ten or twelve hos of the Imperial camp, and 
have even had the hardihood to attack the royal treasure. It 
would be a troublesome and useless task to commit to writing all 
their misdeeds ; but it must suffice to record some few of the 
events which occurred in those days of sieges, which, after all, 
had no effect in suppressing the daring of the Mahrattas. 

A force of the enemy, numbering fifteen or sixteen thousand 
horse, proceeded towards the port of Surat, and, after ravaging 
several districts, they went to cross the Nerbadda, which runs 
between Ahmad&b&d and Surat. The Imperial officers in charge 
of Ahmadab&d took counsel together, and sent a suitable force 
against them, under Muhammad Beg £h&n, and * * ten or twelve 
sarddrs^ with thirteen or fourteen thousand horse, and seven or 
eight thousand trained kolia of that country. They crossed the 
Nerbadda, and encamped upon its bank. Next morning the 
Mahratta army approached within seven or eight koa. Two or 
three well-mounted light horsemen appeared on one side, and the 
Ahmad&b&d army made ready to receive them. After a conflict, 
the infidels took flight, and were pursued by the Imperial officers 
for two or three kos^ who captured several mares, spears, and 
umbrellas, and returned rejoicing. 

The men of the army, delighted at having put the enemy 
to flight, had ungirded themselves and taken the saddles from 
their horses. Some went to sleep, and some were engaged 
in cooking or eating, when a picked force of seven or eight 
thousand of the enemy's horse came suddenly upon them 



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376 KHAFr SHAN. 

like a flood. These men had been concealed among the trees 
and rocks near the river, and had sent out their spies to watch 
for an opportunity. The untried men of Ahmad&b&d lost their 
wits, and found no means of saddling their horses or girding 
on their arms* They had no experienced officers among them, 
and when the Dakhinls made their attack, a panic fell upon 
the army. On one side was the river, which the tide from the 
sea made unfordable, and on the other the advancing tide of 
the enemy. Many men were killed and wounded, and a great 
many threw themselves into the water, and were drowned. * * 
The enemy effected a complete overthrow of the Imperial army. 

Dahind J&dti, according to the general report of the Mrddra, 
was a man of the highest influence. He now proposed terms of 
peace* EKs proposal was that conciliatory letters should be 
addressed to all the principal officers of the B&nl, inviting them 
to wait upon Aurangzeb. When they had arrived in the 
vicinity of the royal camp, B&ja S&hii (son of Sambhaji) was 
to be placed in charge of Prince Muhammad E&m Bakhsh, and 
to be sent some four or five kos from the camp, so that the 
Mahratta sarddrs might have an interview with him first. With 
the approval of B&ja S&hu, the chiefs were then to pay their 
respects to Prince K&m Bakhsh, and to return in his custody 
to the royal camp, where they were to receive the honour of 
admission into the royal service. Orders were accordingly given 
for the sending nearly seventy letters to various Mahratta chieis. 
But, after all, the plan did not please Aurangzeb, who prudently 
felt misgivings as to the craftiness of the Mahrattas, and was 
apprehensive that if they assembled forty or fifty thousand 
horse near the royal camp, they might by this pretence carry off 
B&ja S&hti and Prince £&m Bakhsh to their hills of difficult 
access. 

Sult&n Husain was summoned to Court ; * * but his visit was 
countermanded, and he was ordered to go and lay siege to the 
fort ofToma. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 377 

FORTT-BIGRTH YbAR OP THB EeIGN, 1116 A,H. (1703-4 A.D.)* 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 621.] After the reduction of the fort of 
B&jgarh, the royal army rested for a few days, and at the end 
of Shaww&l it moved to the fort of Toma, four kos distant from 
B&jgarh. * * On the 13th Zi-I ka'da this fort was taken 
by assault, not like the other forts by negociations with the 
commandants and promises of material advancement. ** * 

Sieffe of Wdkiniera. 

[p. 624.] Pem N&ik, a zaminddr of low origin, belonging to 
the tribe of Bedar^ which is the Hindi for "fearless," sprang 
from the caste of Dhers^ the most impure caste of the Dakhin. 
He was noted for his turbulent habits. At the time of the war 
with Haidar&b&d, he sent his forces to the aid of Abu-1 Hasan, 
and P&dsh&h Eh&nz&da Eh&n, son of Buhu-Uah Eh&n, was sent 
to subdue his fort of Sagar,^ and to occupy his fastnesses and 
retreats. He submitted to the royal army, and came to wait on 
the Emperor, but soon hastened back to his home. 

Pem N&ik had a nephew named Paryii N&ik.^ In the thirty- 
second year of the reign, when Buhu-Uah Kh&n senior was sent 
to reduce B£(chor, and when the royal court was at Ahmad&b&d, 
before the Bij&pdr affair, this Pary& N&ik, having seen the great 
power of Aurangzeb, came to his Court, and received a mamab. 
Buhu-llah thought he might be of service at B&ichor, and took 
him there. There the good-for-nothing knave took part in the 
fighting, and rendered good service. After the reduction of 
B&ichor,^ he asked leave to go to W&kinkera,^ his ancestral abode, 
promising to levy all his powers there, and to present himself 
with a proper army wherever he was summoned. 

Upon" receiving permission, he went to W&kinkera, which is 

^ BMchor lies between the Kiitnfc and Tnmbhadra. Sagar and W&kinlcera are 
north- west of R61chor between the Kistni and the BhSma, Sagar being fifteen milee 
north-east of Wfckinkera. 

> The Ma^ir-i 'Aktmglri gives ai the names P&m N&ik and Pidiyft N&ik. 



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378 KHAFr KHAN. 

a village on the top of a hill, and one of the dependencies of 
Sagar. The place is inhabited by many Barkanddzes, which 
name signifies *' black-faced in&ntry/'^ and these people are 
famed for their skill * in archery and missiles. After Sagar 
had been taken from the hands of Pem N&ik, the worthless 
Paryd N&ik, by craft and wiles, made it the abode of his 
family and children. Having taken up his residence at W&kin- 
kera, he showed no signs of moving, but set about strengthen- 
ing and adding to the defences, and laying in warlike stores. 
Favoured by fortune, he in time collected nearly fourteen or 
fifteen thousand infantry of vigour and audacity. He made 
his hill a strong fortress, and, collecting in a short time four 
or five thousand horse, he ravaged flourishing places far and 
near, and plundered caravans. Whenever an army was sent 
against him, the strong force which he had collected around him, 
the strength of his retreat, the influence of money spent in 
bribery, a practice which he well understood, his knowledge of 
darhdr proceedings, and his own audacity, carried him through ; 
and bags of money and a variety of presents covered all dis- 
crepancies in his statements. In his letters he made all sorts of 
artful excuses, and represented himself as one of the most obedient 
of zaminddrs and punctual of revenue-payers. Every month and 
year he exerted himself in increasing his buildings, strengthening 
his towers and walls, in gathering forces, and acquiring guns, 
great and small. At last his place became well known as the 
fort of W&kinkera, and he became a fast ally of the Mahrattas, 
the disturbers of the Dakhin. 

Jagn&, son of Pem N&ik, who was the heir to his property,^ 
came to Court, was honoured with a mansab^ and received a 
sanad for the zaminddri as its rightful heir. He went thither 



t»U^ *L-» fc^UjU ^^j^ v^)^ Sj\u^^j\x3j) AU the copies 

agree in this reading. The Ma-dair-i *A*lamgiri calls them ** Kdlah piydda 
handukehi" (p. 376), and they occur frequently. 

> <* Pary& N&Sk expelled Jikiy&, son of Pem N&ik, from the lands he had inherited." 
— Jfa-oftr-i *A'lamff{rif Tol. ii. p. 492. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 879 

with an army, bat could not get in, and after some fighting he 
suffered a defeat. Prince Muhammad A'^zam was afterwards 
sent to punish Parjd N&ik, and the royal forces ravaged the 
outskirts of his territory. But he seized his opportunity, and 
went to wait upon the Prince. He expressed his humility and 
repentance, and with subtle artifice promised a tribute of seven 
iocs of rupees to the Emperor, and to make a present of two laci 
to the Prince. Besides these, he dispensed gratifications to the 
officials. By these means he rescued himself from the clutches of 
the royal anger. 

As seon as the Prince had returned to Court, he went on 
in his old way, and fanned the fires of rebellion more violently 
than before. Firoz Jang was afterwards sent with a large 
army to repress him, and pressed him very hard. But he 
resumed his old artifices, sent deceptive and alluring messages, 
and by a promise of obedience and nine lac8 of rupees as tribute, 
he saved his life and honour. When the royal army marched 
against Puna, and lay encamped for seven months and a half 
near Junir, two or three unimportant forts were taken. Every 
day fresh news was brought of the insolence and turbulence of 
Paryd N&ik, and in consequence Aurangzeb resolved to march 
in person against W&kinkera. 

Forty-ninth Year of the Ebion, 1116 a.h. (1704-5 a.d.). 

Sieffe of WdMnkera. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 627.] At the beginning of the forty-ninth 
year of the reign, Aurangzeb moved with his army towards 
Wdkinkera. ♦ * At the end of Shawwdl he reached the vicinity 
of the fort. His tent was pitched about a kos from the fort, and 
his officers were ordered to commence operations. Pary4 N&ik 
had strengthened his defences and called in his scattered forces. 
He applied to T&r& B&i for assistance, and had collected several 
thousand horsemen of all classes, especially Musulm&ns of bad 
character. The '^ black-faced infantry " with rage and clamour, 



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380 KRXVI KHAN. 

and the artillery with a shower of fire, boldly resisted the advance 
of the Imperial forces. Cannon-balls from large and small guns 
were accompanied by thousands of blazing rockets, which rained 
night and day, and allowed not a moment's rest. A fierce 
struggle was commenced, and large numbers were killed on both 
sides. • ♦ 

The reduction of the fort was nearly accomplished, and the 
valour of the brave besiegers was about to reap its reward. 
The approaching fall of the fort was on every one's tongue, 
when intelligence came in that a large army of Mahrattas was 
approaching to succour the place. Next day Dahind J&d6 
and Hindd B&o, with two or three sarddrs^ whose wives and 
families were in W&kinkera, approached with eight or nine thou- 
sand horse and an innumerable force of infantry. Dahind J&dd 
had been occupied for a short time in ravaging the country and 
opposing the royal forces. His present object was to get his 
wives and children and property out of W&kinkera, which he 
had deemed the safest of all the forts^ and at the same time to 
render assistance to the garrison. On one side his strong force 
pressed severely on the royal army. 

At this juncture, when misfortunes poured like hail upon the 
besiegers, one body drew the royal generals into a conflict on one 
side, while on another two or three thousand horse dashed up to 
the fort, mounted the women on swift mares, and with the aid 
of the in£smtry in the fort they succeeded in carrying them off. 
* * Paryd N&ik sent money and goods, food and drink, to the 
Mahrattas, and settled allowances to their sarddra^ to induce them 
to remain and protract the siege. The Mahrattas were quite 
willing to get money easily, so they remained and harassed 
the besiegers by daily attacks on both sides. Every day their 
forces increased. Many men of the royal army were killed, and 
a great panic spread amongst them. \_Primte negociationsJ] 

Sdm Sankar, brother of Paryd N&ik, came out of the fort (as 
a hostage), presented his offering, and paid homage. He re- 
ceived the honour of a robe, horse, jewels, and a mamab^ and 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LXTBAB. 381 

then asked humbly forgiveness for his brother, and for a truce of 
a week. Muhtasham Khfin then entered the fortress (to take 
formal possession as kila'ddr). He was entertained that night, 
and messages were sent to him assuring him that Paryd N&ik 
would see him next day, and then under his protection would 
proceed to pay homage. When he went into the fort, the drums 
of the royal army were beaten joyfully. ♦ * The people in the 
fort, in order to satisfy the kilcCddr^ busied themselves in sending 
out their useless goods, their women and the old men whose lives 
were precarious. The statement was still maintained that Paryd 
N&ik intended to vi&dt the kila'ddr^ but towards night the excuse 
was made that he was ill with fever. On the third it was 
stated thait the fever had increased, and that he was delirious 
and talking wildly. Next day it was said that he was quite 
insane, and that he had gone out of the fort, and no one knew 
whether he had cast himself down from the fert to kill himself, 
or whether he had gone to join the Mahratta army. 

The mother of that crafty one artfully made great cries and 
lamentations, and pretended to be in great distress. She sent a 
message to Aurangzeb, saying that when she was a little consoled 
for the disappearance of her son, she would leave the fort ; but 
she hoped that her younger son, Sdm Sankar, would receive in- 
vestiture as the new zaminddr^ and that he would be sent into the 
fort to Muhtasham Kh&n, because he would be able to show the 
kila^ddr the various places in which the treasure was buried. She 
would then leave the fort with her remaining property and 
children. Aurangzeb, not suspecting deception, allowed Sum 
Sankar to go into the fort. ♦ * Then no one from the royal 
army was allowed to enter. Muhtasham Khan with some other 
persons were kept under restraint in the fort, and it became clear 
to the Emperor and bis associates that they had been made the 
victims of deception ; but the Emperor was patient, and acted 
-cautiously, as the circumstances of the case required. 

Intelligence was now brought that Zu-1 fik&r Eh&n Nusrat 
Jang and others were approaching with the force under his com- 



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382 KHAPr KHAN. 

mand, and the Emperor issued an order directing him to join as 
soon as possible. * * Zu-1 fikdr Kh4n seized several wells from 
which the enemy drew their supplies of water ; and the enemy now 
felt the deprivation which the Imperial forces had suffered. * ♦ 
The approaches were pushed forward to the fort> and on the day 
appointed for the assault the Emperor mounted his horse to take 
part therein, * * and took his position at a cannon-shot distimce 
from the fort. • * The enemy were overpowered, and some 
positions were captured. ♦ ♦ Being greatly dispirited, they placed 
two or three thousand musketeers to hold one of the gates to the 
last. They then took their wives and children, their jewels, and 
whatever they could carry, and after setting fire to their temple 
and other buildings, they went out at another gate, and by some 
outlets which had been prepared for such an occasion, they made 
their way to the Mahratta army in parties. They then fled with 
the army. The conflagration in the fort and the cessation of 
the firing made the besiegers aware of their flight. A party 
of men entered, and found only disabled and wounded persons 
who were unable to fly. On the 14th Muharram the Imperial 
forces took possession of the place. * * The name W&kinkera 
was changed to Rahm&n-bakhsh. The Imperial army then 
retired to pass the rainy season at Deo-g&nw, three or four kos 
fi^m the Kistn&. * * News arrived that the fort of Bakhshinda- 
bakhsh or Ejind&na had been lost through the carelessness of the 
commander and the strategy of the Mahrattas. On the same 
day H&midu-d din Kh&n lyas sent to retake it. 

Illness of the Emperor. 

The Emperor was seized with illness, and had severe pains in 
his limbs, which caused grave apprehension. But he exerted 
himself, took his seat in the public hall, and engaged in business, 
thus giving consolation to the people. But his illness increased, 
he had fainting fits and lost his senses, so that very alarming 
rumours spread abroad, and for ten or twelve days the army and 
camp were in great distress. But by the mercy of God he grew 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 383 

better, and occasionally showed himself to the people in the 
public hall. The army was in an enemy'^s country, without house 
or home; and if the sad calamity (of the Emperor's death) were 
to happen, not one soul would escape from that land of mountains 
and raging infidels. Under the advice of his physician, he took 
China root.^ Three or four times a week he took medicine, and 
every day he distributed charity. After his recovery, he richly 
rewarded his physician, and returned thanks to God. In the 
middle of Bajab, he commenced his march for Bah&dur-garh, 
otherwise called Bir-g&nw,^ leaving Ealich Kh&n behind as Suba- 
ddr. Slowly^ and with difficulty, he pursued his march, and 
reached Bir-g&nw at the end of Sha'b&n, and ordered a halt of 
forty days for giving rest to the army during the time of the fast. 

FiPTiBTH Year of thb Eeign, 1117 a.h. (1706-6 a.d.). 
lUness of the Emperor. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 540.] After the conclusion of the fast of 
Ramazan, the Emperor again turned his attention to business. 
He then proceeded to Ahmadnagar. In the month of Zi-1 hijja 
the intelligence was brought of Zu-1 fikar Kh&n having reduced 
the fort of Bakhshinda-bakhsh (Eand&na). Prince Muhammad 
A'zam Shah was in the province of Ahmad&bfid. When he 
heard of his father'^s illness, he wrote for leave to visit his father, 
stating as an excuse that the climate of Ahmad&b&d was very 
un&vourable to him. This displeased the Emperor, who replied 
that he had written a letter of exactly the same effect to his 
&ther Shah Jah&n when he was ill, and that he was told in 
answer, that every air {hawd) was suitable to a man except the 
fumes {hawd) of ambition. But the Prince wrote repeatedly to 

1 Chob'i Chini, *< Smilax China." 

* Bir-g&nw and Bab&dnr-garh haye not been found in the maps. A passage 
(Text, Tol. ii. p. 452) states that a woman was carried by a flood '< from Bah&dnr- 
garh to Isl&mpdii (on the Bbima) in fiye or six watches," and another passage 
(p. 508) says Bah&dnr-garh was nine hot from the Kistn& ; so perhaps the place was 
on the M&n riyer, although that is more than nine ko9 from the Eistn&. The route 
of Aumngzeb from Kbelna to Bah&dur-garh (Jfa-<i«tr, p. 464) was Malkap(ir, 
Pam&la, Bar-gfoiw (War-gfoiw), the Eistn&, As'ad-nagar, Bah&dur-garh ; so he 
must haye crossed the riyer near Mirich. 



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384 EHAFr EHAN. 

the same effect, and was then appointed to the g&ba of M£lw&. 
He did not, however, go to Ujjjain, bat wrote for leave to visit 
his father. A grudging permission was given, and the Prince 
made the best of his way, so that he arrived at the end of the 
month. The itiba of Ahmad&b&d^ which was taken from him, 
was given to Muhammad Ibr&him Kh&n. * * 

When Prince Muhammad A'zam Sh&h reached his &ther's 
Court, his confidence in his own courage and boldness, and his 
pride in the army and treasure he had got together at Ahmad- 
&b&d, made him aspire to the royal state and treasure. He 
thought nothing about his elder brother, but considered himself 
the chief in every way. Prince Muhammad K&m Bakhsh he 
looked upon as removed from rivalry by incompetence. But he 
had observed the altered temper of his father, whose feelings 
were not always in their natural state. His first thoughts fell 
upon Prince Muhammad ^Azim,^ who was at 'Azimab&d, or 
Patna, in Bih&r, where he had been some time Siibaddr^ and had 
obtained a repute for amassing treasures. Therefore he wished 
to remove him by getting him recalled to Court; and by various 
representations, some false, some true, he so worked upon the 
mind of the Emperor that orders were issued for his recall, * * 
and the Prince proceeded to wait upon his grandfitther. 

Confirmation was received, through the Governor of Mult&n, 
of the death of Prince Muhammad Akbar in Qarmsir, the report 
of which had been current for a year past. 

FiPTY-FiBST Year of the Reion, 1118 a.h. (1706-7 a.d.). 

Death of the Emperor. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 547.] Prince A'zam Sh4h was proud of his 

own courage, and of his army and soldiers. He had, moreover, 

won over to his side Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Kh&n and several 

other amira. He now sought a pretext for a quarrel with Prince 

K&m Bakhsh. The Emperor slightly improved in health; 

but although for some days he went into the public hall of 

^ Or 'Aiimu-ah Sh&n, son of Mu'auasu 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 385 

audience and the Court of Justice, he was very weak, and death 
was clearly stamped upon his face. Prince A'zam'^s feelings 
towards Prince K&m Bakhsh, who was a poet and learned man, 
now displayed themselves in various slights and improper actions 
whenever an opportunity offered. K&m Bakhsh was dear to his 
father, for it often happens that men have the greatest affection for 
their youngest sons. So the Emperor appointed a nobleman to act 
as the bakhshi of k&m Bakhsh, and to him he entrusted the Prince, 
with instructions to take care of him. This bakhsM was Sult&n 
Hasan, otherwise called Mir Malang. He was a courageous and 
faithful servant, and upon his appointment, the' Emperor gave 
him the title of Hasan £h&n. In faithful discharge of his duty, 
Hasan Eh&n deemed it necessary to place his ward under the 
protection of special guards, in addition to his own servants, and 
these accompanied the Prince armed and accoutred whenever he 
went to Court. For some days and nights they watched over 
the Prince with great yigilance. Prince A'zam Sh&h complained 
of this to the Emperor, but got no answer. He then wrote to 
Naw&b Zinatu-n Nissa Begam, his eldest sister, complaining of 
the insolence of Hasan Khdn, who had exceeded his powers. 
He added that there would be no difficulty in chastising him, 
but that it had been forbidden by the Emperor. This letter 
was shown to the Emperor, who wrote a letter with his own 
hand, saying that he had heard of the suspicions and appre- 
hensions shown by Hasan Kh&n, and would therefore send K&m 
Bakhsh to some other place. Prince A'zam \vinced under the 
censure implied in the letter; but he knew that submission was 
his only resource, and he felt great satis&ction at the removal of 
his younger brother. 

The foresight of the Emperor told him that his health was 
failing, and he saw that Prince (A'zam's) pretensions increased 
daily. He knew that if two unchained lions were left together, 
after his decease there would be divisions in the army, and great 
disturbances among the people. His affection for £&m Bakhsh 
also worked upon him. He sent E&m Bakhsh with all the signs 
VOL. vii. 26 



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386 KRKFI KHAN. 

and honours of royalty to Bij&pur, and the drums of the royal 
nauhaUkhdna were ordered to play as he departed. The sight of 
all this made Prince A^zam writhe like a poisonous serpent, but 
he could not say a word. In two or three days he also received 
orders to proceed to M&Iwd in charge of strict officers. 

After the departure of the two Princes, the Emperor grew 
much worse, and fever increased. But for the next four or five 
days, notwithstanding the severity of the disease, he attended 
carefully to the regular prayers. In this state of things 
H&midu-d din £h&n presented a letter containing the advice of 
astrologers, recommending the giving away of an elephant and 
of a valuable diamond in charity. To that the Emperor wrote 
in reply that the giving away of an elephant was the practice of 
the Hindus and of star-worshippers ; but he sent four thousand 
rupees to the chief Ardsi, for hini to distribute among the de- 
serving. On the same letter he wrote, saying, " Carry this 
creature of dust quickly to the first (burial) place, and consign 
him to the earth without any useless coffin.^ It is said that he 
wrote a will dividing his kingdom among his sons, and entrusted 
it to H&midu-d din Kh&n. 

On Friday, th^ 28th Zi-1 ka'da, in the fifty-first year of the 
reign, corresponding with 1118 A.H. (Feb. 21, 1707 A.D.), after 
performing morning prayers and repeating the creed, at about 
one watch of the day, the Emperor departed this life. He was 
ninety years and some months old, and had reigned fifty years 
two months and a half. He was buried near Daulat&b&d by 
the tombs of Shaikh Burh&nu-d din and other religious worthies, 
and of Sh&h Zari Zar*bakhsh^ and some districts of Burh&npur 
were assigned for the maintenance of his tomb. 

Of all the sovereigns of the House of Timdr — nay, of all the 
sovereigns of Dehli — no one, since Sikandar Lodf, has ever been 
apparently so distinguished for devotion, austerity, and justice. 
In courage, long-suffering, and sound judgment, he was unri- 
Tailed. But from reverence for the injunctions of the Law he 
did not make use of punishment, and without punishment the 



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MirXTAKHABU-L LUB^B. 387 

administration of a country cannot be maintained. Dissensions 
had arisen among his nobles throogh rivalrj. So every plan and 
project that he formed came to little good ; and every enterprise 
which he undertook was long in execution, and failed of its 
object. Although he lived for ninety years, bis five senses were 
not at all impaired, except his hearing, and that to only so slight 
an extent that it was not perceptible to others. He often passed 
his nigbts in vigils and devotion, and he denied himself many 
pleasures naturally belonging to humanity. 

Accession of Shah '^lam Badshah (Bahadur Shah), 
Twelfth in Descent prom AmIr TImur. 

Prince Muhammad A!zam Shah claims the Cronm. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 566.] Prince Muhammad A'zam Shdh, 
having taken leave of his father, was proceeding to his governor- 
ship of M&lw&. He had travelled about twenty kos from the 
army, when one evening the intelligence of the Emperor s death 
reached him. On the same day he left his baggage and equip- 
ments, and with some of the chief nobles and an escort, he set 
off with all speed for the army. On arriving there, he entered the 
great tent. All the nobles came forth to meet him, and to console 
and sympathize with him, except Asad Xh&n and H&mid Khdn, 
who were attending to the business of mourning and watching 
inside. After the burial was over, Jamdatu-1 Mulk Asad Ehdn 
and other nobles and officers offered their condolences. An in- 
spection was made of the amount of treasure, jewels, artillery, and 
effects. What was capable of being removed was separated and 
placed under the charge of vigilant officers, to provide the means 
of carriage and the supplies necessary for a journey. Hindi and 
Persian astrologers fixed on the 10th Zi-1 hijja^ as the day for 
ascending the throne. 

Prince Bed&r Bakht, who had been left at Ahmad&b&d in 

1 1118 Hijra, 5th March, 1707. 

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388 KHAFr KHAN. 

charge of his government, arrived. Ibr&him Kh&n S&badar 
also thought of coming, but an order was issued for his goihg to 
the frontier of M&Iwa, there to await further orders. He was 
directed not to be precipitate, but to await the arrival of the new 
monarch. The author of this work was at that time in the 
company of Muhammad Mur&d Kh&n, who was WdkV-nigdr 
and Sawdnih-nigdr of all the province of Ahmad&bad, and was 
fauj'ddr of the sarkdr of Th&nes&r and Kudra. On the 9th Z(-l 
hijja Murdd £li&n received a robe, on taking leave of Prince 
Bed&r Bakht, and went home. Just then some servants of 
Ibr&him Kh&n Ndzim came to summon him. When he waited 
on Ibrahim Khdn, and the latter became aware of his having 
received a robe from Bed&r Bakht, he asked if the Prince had 
received any intelligence from his "^ther, and in what condition 
the Prince was. Mur&d Kh&n replied that he did not know of 
any fresh news, and the Prince'^s health appeared to be as usual. 
Ibr&him Kh&n then placed in the hands of Mur&d Kh&n a 
letter, which he had received at Ahmaddbad on the 10th from 
his aakil at Ahmadnagar, informing him of the sad event which 
had occurred, and said, '' You must this very moment go to the 
Prince with the letter and offer our condolence."*^ 

Mur&d Khdn went home, changed his robe, and went to wait 
upon the Prince. He found that the Prince was asleep \ but 
considering the pressing nature of his mission^ he told the eunuch 
on duty that he must awake the Prince as cautiously as he could. 
As soon as the Prince was aroused, he was told that Murfid Eh&n 
was anxious to see him, and had caused him to be awoke. The 
Prince had received information of the Emperor's illness, and he 
asked if Mur&d Kh&n still wore the robe which had been pre- 
sented to him, and the eunuch replied that he was dressed in a 
fresh robe of white. The Prince's eyes filled with tears, and he 
sent for Murad Khdn into a private room. The Kh&n placed in 
his hand tlie letter which had arrived, and offered his own and 
Ibrahim Kh&n's condolences. After that the Prince said to 
Murad Kh&n, '^ You know full well that the realm of Hindust&n 



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MUNTAEHABU-L LIJBAB. 389 

will now fall into anarchy. People did not know the value of 
the Emperor. I only hope that Heaven will direct matters as I 
wish, and that the Empire will be given to my father." 

Ibr&him Kh&n afterwards was in doabt as to what Prince'^s 
name was to be recited in the khutba on the day of the *TdU'Z 
zuhOy and it was decided that after the rising of the san, and 
before the news of Aurangzeb's death was spread abroad, the 
khutba should be read in Aurangzeb's name in the Tdgdh. 
Ibr&hfm Kh&n ranged himself among the partisans of A'^zam 
Sh&h, and he resolved that if, as he expected, instructions 
should come for him to accompany Prince Bed&r Bakht^ he 
would assemble his forces and would hasten with the Prince 
to Agra. In fiict, if Muhammad A'zam Sh&h had not been 
mistrustful^ and forbidden it, he (Ibrfihim Kh&n) would have 
helped Prince Bed&r Bakht on his way.^ Mukhtir Kh&n, 
father-in-law of Bed&r Bakht, was Subaddr of A!gra. He had 
nine krora of rupees, besides ashrqfis and presentation money 
{rupiya-i gharib nawdz)^ amounting to as much as five hundred 
toloH in weight; and he had uncoined gold and silver in the 
shape of vessels. B&kl Eh&n, the commander of the fortress, 
who had the treasure in his charge, designed to surrender the 
treasure and the keys of the fortress to whichever of the heirs 
of the kingdom should present himself. (Ibr&him Kh&n's plan) 
was the right and advisable course to pursue ; but what God had 
ordained came to pass. 

Prince Kdm Bakksh. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 569.] A few words now about Prince K&m 
Bakhsh. After leaving his venerable father, he went to the fort 
of Parenda, forty or fifty koa distant. There he received the sad 

^ *^ The insumations of enyions people had tarned the mind of A'zam Sh&h against 
Bed&r Bakht, and Afarmdn was sent desiring him to go from Ahmad&b&d to M&lw&, 
and to wait at TJjjain for further instructions. The same ill-feeling also prompt 
the refusal of permission for him to go to Agra/* — Ttakira^i Chaghatdi, 

'^ This is a somewhat doubtful sentence. 



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390 EHAFr KHAN. 

news of his fathers decease. Muhammad Amin Kh&n, with 
a number of persons, went off to wait upon A'zam Sh&h, with- 
out the leave or knowledge of K&m Bakbsh. Great division and 
contention arose in his army in consequence of this defection. 
Ahsan Eh&n, otherwise called Mir Sult&n Hasan, supported by 
the sympathy and good feeling of many who remained, exerted 
himself and set off with the intention of taking possession of 
the fort of Bij&pdr. On arriving near the placa, he sent a kind 
and flattering message to Niy&z Kh&n, the commandant, to in- 
duce him to deliver up the fortress. Niy&z Kh&n refused, and 
set about putting the fortifications in order. Intrdnchments were 
then thrown up opposite the gate. Bumours of the death of 
Aurangzeb had been floating in the air before the arrival of Kkm 
Bakhsh^ and vtere now confirmed. Negociations were opened, 
and through the exertions and skilful management of Ahsan 
Kh&n, the keys of the fortress were given up by Saiyid Niy&z 
Xh&n, who waited on the Prince and made submission. At the 
end of two months the city and environs were brought into a state 
of order. Ahsan Eh&n was made hakhshi^ and the portfolio 
of wazir was given to Hakim Muhsin^ with the title Takarrnb 
Khdn. * * Other adherents were rewarded with jewels and 
titles. The Prince then assumed the throne. He was mentioned 
in the khufba under the title of Dtn-pandh (Asylum of the 
Faith), and coins also were issued with this title. 

Prince X&m Bakhsh then assembled some seven or eight thou- 
sand horse, and marched to subdue the fort of W&kinkera. After a 
march or two, Saiyid Niy&z £h&n left his tent standing, and fled 
in the night to Muhammad A'zam Kh&n. On reaching Kulbarga, 
the Prince took possession of the fort, and, on the recommen- 
dation of Ahsan Kh&n, placed it under the command of Saiyid 
JaYar, one of the Saiyids of B&rha. He then marched on to 
W&kinkera, which, since the death of Aurangzeb, had again fallen 
into the hands of Paryd N&ik. On arriving there, lines were 
formed, and the siege commenced under the direction of Ahsan 
Khan. Pary& Naik defended the place for fifteen or twenty 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 391 

days, when it surrendered, through the mediation of Ahsan 
Kh&n. An officer was placed in command, and the army marched 
on to further conquests. There was a great rivaky between 
Takarrub Kh&n and Ahsan Eh&n. The former removed Saiyid 
JaTar from the command of Kulbarga, and appointed another 
person to the charge. When X&m Bakhsh returned to Kul- 
barga, he restored Saiyid Ja^&r. ♦ * After pacifying Ahsan 
Kh&n, the Prince sent him to lay siege to Kamul, and directed 
his youngest son to accompany him as a check (tara). The 
commandant was unwilling to surrender, and, after some negocia-. 
tions and siege work, he presented three lacs of rupees to Ahsan 
Khan for the use of the goyemment, and so induced him to move 
away. * * 

Prince A'zam Shdh. 

[vol. ii. p. 571.] On the 10th Zi-l hijja A'zam Shdh, having 
ascended the throne, made his accession public in the Dakhin by 
coins struck in the name of A'^zam Sh&h. Having gratified the 
old nobles of the State with robes and jewels, augmentations of 
mansahs and promises, he set off, about the middle of Zi-1 hijja, 
to encounter Sh&h 'Alam, accompanied by Jamdatu-l Mulk 
Amiru-l umard Asad Eh&n^ Zu-1 fik&r Xh&n Bah&dur Nuarat 
Jang and [many other nobles]. He marched to Kht^fista-bunydd 
(Aurangibdd), * * and from thence arrived at Burhdnpur. 
After leaving that place, he was abandoned by Muhammad 
Amin Kh&n, and Chin Xalich Khan, who had received the 
title of Khdn-daurdn. They were offended by the treatment 
they received from A'zam Sh&h, and went off to Aurang&b&d, 
where they took possession of several districts. 

Shdh 'Alam' (Bahddur Shdh). 

[vol. ii. p. 673.] An ac^,ount must now be given of the pro- 
ceedings of Sh&h ''Alam Bah&dur Sh&h. The late Emperor 
had appointed Mun'im Khan, a very able man of business, to 



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392 KHAPr KHAN. 

the management of E&bnU He had shown great devotion and 
fidelity to Sh&h ^^am, so that the Prince placed in his hands 
the management of his yt^ir« in the province of L&hore, and had 
recommended him for the diwdni of the province to the Emperor, 
who appointed him to that office. When Mnn'im Eh&n received 
intelligence of the continued illness of the Emperor, in his &ith- 
falness to Sh&h 'iCiam, he busied himself in making preparations 
in the countries lying between L&hore and Pesh&war, finding 
means of transport, collecting camels and bullocks, and providing 
things necessary for carrying on a campaign, so as to be ready 
at the time of need. 

On the 7th Zi-1 hijja the news of Anrangzeb's death reached 
Pesh&war, and* the Prince immediately prepared to set out. 
Next day a letter came from Mun'im Kh&n, offering congratula- 
tions upon the Prince's accession to royalty, and urging him to 
come quickly. Orders were given for the march, and next 
day the Prince started, making no delay, accompanied by his 
nobles, except Fathu-Uah Kh&n, a man of great bravery lately 
appointed to Kdbul, who declined to accompany him. Orders 
were given that J&n-nis&r Xh&n, who was only second in courage 
to Fathu-llah Eh&n, should go with five or six thousand 
horse to the neighbourhood of Agra, to join Prince 'Azimu-sh 
Sh&n. Orders also were sent calling Prince Mu'izzu-d din from 
his government of Thatta, and A'azzu-d din from Mult&n, where 
he was acting as the deputy of his father. Other presumed 
adherents were also sent for. 

Sh&h 'Alam proceeded by regular marches to L&hore. Mun'im 
Kh&n came forth to meet him, paid his homage, offered forty 
lacs of rupees, and presented the soldiers, artillery aud equip- 
ments that he had busied himself in collecting directly he had 
heard of the death of Aurangzeb. Sh&h ^Alam appointed him 
wazir. At the end of Muharram, 1119 (April, 1707), the Prince 
encamped at L&hore. There he remained over the new moon of 
Safiir, and gave orders for the coining of money and reading the 
khutba in his name. The nobles in his retinue presented their 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 393 

offerings and paid their homage. * * Directions were given that 
the new rupee should be increased half a mdshd in weight, and 
lacs were accordingly coined of that weight ; but as in the pay- 
ment of tankiwdh^ and in commercial transactions, it was received 
at only the old rate, the new rule was discontinued. 
. Prince Muhammad Mu'izzu-d din and his son A'azzu-d din 
' now arrived. IGfreat distribution of honours and mansabsJ] A 
letter -was received from Prince Muhammad *Azim, stating that 
* * he had raised more than twenty thousand horse, and was 
hastening to reach Agra before Prince Bed&r Bakht. News 
also arrived that Agra had been secured, that Mukht&r £h&n 
had been placed in confinement, and that B&ki Xh&n, the com- 
mandant of the fort, put off surrendering tho treasure with the 
excuse that he would wait till His Majesty arrived. Spies and 
news-writers reported that B&ki Kh&n had written with great 
humility to Prince Muhammad A'zam, that although the fort 
and the treasures belonged to both the heirs to the crown, he 
would surrender them to whichever arrived first. There was 
not a single person who doubted that, comparing the distance of 
Peshdwar with the difficulties in the way of A'zam Shfih, Sh&h 
'Alam would arrive before him. 

On Shdh 'Alam arriving at Dehli, * * the commandant sent 
the keys of the fortress with his offering, and many others made 
their allegiance. At the beginning of Rabi'u-1 awwal he started 
for Agra, and reached the environs of that city about the middle 
of the month, where he was met by his son, Muhammad ^Azim, 
and by Muhammad Earim, the son of Prince 'Azim. B&ki 
Kh&n gave up the keys of the fortress, with the treasure, for 
which he received great favour and rewards. According to 
one account, there were nine krors of rupees, in rupees and 
ashrafls^ besides vessels of gold and silver, which was what was 
left remaining of the twenty-four krors of rupees amassed by 
Sh&h Jah&n, after what had been expended by Aurangzeb during 
his reign, principally in his wars in the Dakhin. According to 
another account, including the presentation money, which con- 



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394 EHAFr KHAN. 

sisted of a%hrafh and rupees of 100 to 300 Mofi' weight, specially 
coined for presents/ and the aahrafts of twelve mdshds and thirteen 
tndshda of the reign of Akbar, the whole amounted to thirteen 
krors. An order was given for bringing out directly four krars 
of rupees. Three lacs were to be given to each of the royal 
Princes, altogether nine lacSy three lacs to Kh&n-zam&n and his 
sons, one lac to the Saiyids of B&rha, one lac to iighar Eh&n 
and his Mughals. In the same way the officers in his retinue, 
and the old servants, soldiers, [and others, received gratuitous 
additions of pat/ and donations']. Altogether two krors were dis- 
tributed. * * 

March of Prince A'zam. 

[vol. ii. p. 581.] Prince A'zam Sh&h, with his artillery, and a 
a force of nearly thirty-five thousand horse actually present 
(maujMi)^ which according to military reckoning means an army 
of more than eighty or ninety thousand men, and with his amirs 
and adherents, marched forth for war. * * He endeavoured, by 
augmentations of mansabs and promotions in rank, to secure the 
good will of the nobles ; but in providing for advances and pay to 
the army, and in giving assistance and presents of money, he, 
through want of treasure, was very sparing. If any of his most 
attached nobles spoke to bin) on this subject, he, in his proud 
and haughty way, gave sharp answers that there was no real 
necessity in his army, but fear of the opposite party .^ In fact, 
he had not money to be liberal with ; but his bitter words, and 
the ill temper which he occasionally showed, pained and disgusted 
many of his followers. After he departed from Burh&npur, Chin 
Kalich Kh&n, who had been created Khdn-daurdnj went off with 
several noted men and returned to Aurang&b&d. Muhammad 
Amin also, with many Mughals, plundered the banjdras of the 
army, and fell back to Aurangdb&d. When the Prince was told 

^ See Thomas's '< Chronicles of the Path&n Kings/' p. 423. 
' The Tazkira-i Chaff hatdi adds that the army sufiered greatly on the march frum 
the heat of the weather ai^d want of water. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 395 

of such matters, he paid no attention to them, and made no 
change in his conduct. After crossing; the river (Nerbadda) at 
H&ndiyd, he arrived at Dor&ha. 

Release of Sdku. 

[vol. ii. p. 583.] Zti-l fikdr Kh&n Nusrat Jang was very 
intimate with S&hti, grandson of Sivaji, and had long been 
interested in his affairs. He now persuaded A'zam Shah to set 
this S&hu at liberty, along with several persons who were his 
friends and companions. S&hti, with fifty or sixty men, who were 
able to accompany him, went off to Mohan Singh, a noted re- 
bellious zaminddry in the difficult mountain country of Bijagarh, 
Sult'&npdr, and Nandurbdr. He supplied S&hd with some 
necessary equipments, and S&hu then went on to a Mahratta 
named ^mbu, but more famous under the name of P&nd, who 
was an active rebel. This man held the fort of Eokarmanda^ in 
Sult&npur, and ravaged the whole country from Surat to Burh&n- 
pdr. He furnished S&hu with a body of men, and sent him to 
his native country and to the lofty fortresses, of which several 
that had been reduced by Aurangzeb had again fallen into the 
hands of the rebels during the days of contention for the Empire. 
Many Mahratta sarddrs^ who through necessity had deceitfully 
joined themselves to the party of Rani T&r& Bdf, widow of R&m 
R&ja, now came and joined Bdja Sdhu. 

Having collected a large army, S&hu proceeded to the neigh- 
bourhood of Ahmadnagar, and then, according to a report at 
the time, he put off his journey, and went to the place where 
Aurangzeb died. He paid a mourning visit to the place, and 
distributed money and food to the poor. JThen, with his large 
army, which numbered nearly 20,000 Mahratta horse, he marched 
with the intention of showing his respect to the tomb of Aurang- 
zeb, near Daulat&b&d, at a place now called Ehuld&b&d.^ When 

1 On the north bank of the T&ptl. 

> Anrangieb had treated S&hd, his boy prisoner, with great familiarity and kind- 
ness. It was he who gave the child the name of S&hd, which he afterwards preferred 
and retained. Aurangzeb was called " Ehuld-mak&n,*' hence the name Khuld&b&d. 



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396 KHAFr KHAN. 

his advance party approached Aurang&b&d, although S&hu and 
his brothers in his company had no intention of ravaging, the old 
habit prevailed, and some of his men began plundering in the 
vicinity of Aurang&b&d. Mansur Eh&n and the other officers in 
the city bestirred themselves, put the fortifications in order, and 
endeavoured to repress these outrages. E&ja S&hu also forbade 
his men to plunder, and after visiting the tombs of the great 
men, and of Aurangzeb, be went his way to his forts. 

Defeat and Death of £zwm Shdh. 

[vol. ii. p. 583,] A'aam Sh&h passed the Nerbadda, and 
arrived at Gw&lior. There he heard of the arrival at Agra of 
Shih 'Alam, and of Prince ""Azim, with his powerful swrny. * * 
He left AnUru-l umard Asad Eh&n at Gw&lior with the ladies 
and unnecessary equipments and jewels and treasure, * * and 
having distributed a little money among the soldiers, he sent 
Prince Bed&r Bakht forward in command of the advanced guard, 
and he sent with him Zii-l fik&r Eh&n and [many others]^ * * 
and the march to Agra began, his force amounting to nearly 
twenty-five thousand horse. It is said that although he had 
collected an army of nearly fifty thousand horse, want of money 
had stinted the pay of the men ; and they having heard of the 
profuse liberality of the opposing party, many men of name 
and reputation parted from him and went over to Prince 
Muhammad 'Azim and Sh&h*^ Alam. 

It is related that when intelligence of Prince A'zam's arrival 
at Q-w&lior reached Sh&h ^Alam, he wrote him a letter of expos- 
tulation, rehearsing the particulars of the will written by their 
father with his own hand respecting the division of the kingdom, 
and said, " Of all the six 8iibas of the Dakhin, I will surrender 
to you four siibas^ as well as the siiba of Ahmadab&d, and besides 
these I will present you with one or two other aiibas^ for I do not 
wish that the blood of Musulra&ns should be shed. * * You 
ought therefore to be content with the will of your father, accept 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 397 

what is offered, and endeavour to prevent strife.'^^^ It is also said 
that he sent a message to the following effect : '^ If you will not 
desist from unjustly making a greater demand, and will not abide 
by the will of our father, but desire that the sword should be 
drawn, and that the matter should be submitted to the arbitra- 
ment of courage and valour, what is the necessity that we should 
doom a multitude to the edge of the sword in our quarrel P It 
is better that you and I should stake our single lives and contend 
with each other on tlie field of combat/** • • • When this 
letter and message of the elder brother reached the younger, 
the latter said, ^' I suppose the stupid fellow has never read 
the lines of Sa'di, which say that ^ Two kings cannoi be con- 
tained in one country, though ten darwe%he8 can sleep under one 
blanket."'* 

The spies of Sh&h ^^am Bah&dur Sh&h brought intelligence 
that the advanced guard of A'zam Sh&h had marched with the 
intention of taking possession of the river Ghambal, which is 
eighteen kos from J!gra. So he gave directions that Eh&na-z&d 
Khan, Saf-shikan Kh&n the commander of the artillery, with an 
advanced guard, should go and take possession of the passage, 
and not allow the enemy to cross. It was next reported to be 
A'zam Shah'^s intention to cross the river at Samd-garh, and 
leaving Agra in his rear, to turn and give battle. Orders were 
then given for moving Sh&h 'Alam's tents to J&ju Sarai.^ [2>ii»- 
pasition made for actionJ] 

A'zam Sh&h also prepared for battle, and, without hooding 
the superior force of his brother, or settling any plan of action, 
went boldly forward like a fierce lion dashes upon a flock of 
sheep. * * His leading forces made a sudden attack upon the 
most advanced camp of Sh&h 'Alam. The officers and men 
in charge resisted for a time, and killed some of the assailants, 

^ Ir&dat Kh^n Bays that Boh&dar Sh&h proposed an equal diyision of the Empire. 
— Scott's EUiory of th$ Deecan, vol. ii. p. 19. 

' The Prince has reversed the order of the clauses of this proverb from the 
Gulistdn, 

s About half vray on the road from Agra to Dholp6r. 



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398 KHXFt KHAN. 

but were put to flight. All their baggage was plundered, their 
camp was set on fire, and the commander of the artillery was 
made prisoner, and carried before Prince A'zam Sh&h. The 
Prince asked him who he was. He said, '' I was commander of 
the artillery ; I am a Saiyid.'' The Prince ordered his release. 
Prince Muhammad ^Azim, who had ridden forward rashly to 
explore, got intelligence of what was passing, and with a strong 
force hastened into action, and fell upon the advanced forces of 
A'zam Sh&h. 

The check which had been received caused great discourage- 
ment to the forces of Sh&h ^i^lam. Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n and other 
nobles in attendance upon A'zam Sh&h advised him that he 
should proclaim the success he had achieved, order his camp 
to be pitched upon the spot, and to put off the general action 
to the morrow, because the victory that had been gained and 
the superior prowess of his men would strike terror into the 
enemy'^s army, and bring over many of the leading men from 
his opponent's ranks. Many also of the half-hearted would 
certainly desert, and the probability was that Shah 'Alam would 
be so much discouraged that he would retreat. A^zam Sh&h got 
angry, and said with warmth and bitterness, ''This is the 
counsel of women." In short, although a great portion of A'zam 
Sh&h's army was busy in destroying and plundering, strict 
and precise orders were issued to the leading forces, and on the 
18th Rabi'u-1 awwal, 1119 a.h. (10th June, 1707 a,d.), the two 
armies joined battle at J&ju, seven or eight koa from Agra. 
[^Long details of the action.'} 

Prince Bed&r Bakht, after rendering splendid service, which 
shed a halo round him, was killed by a cannon-ball, and many 
of his followers also fell. * * His younger brother Wal&j&h was 
killed by a ball from a zambiirak. * * A strong wind arose, 
which blew straight from the side of Sh&h 'Alam against the 
army of A'zam Sh&h, so that every arrow, with the help of the 
wind of f5ate, reached the army of A'^zam Sh&h, and pierced 
through armour; * * but the rockets and the arrows and the 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 399 

balls from his side, beiDg resisted by the contrary wind, failed 
to reach the ranks of the enemy, and fell upon the ground. It 
is said that Tarbiyat Kh&n twice discharged a mosket from the 
army of A^zam Sh&h against Prince ^Az(ma-sh Sh&n. Both 
shots failed ; but a musket-ball from the other side reached the 
Eh&n^s breast, and at the same moment an arrow pierced him 
and he died. 

Matters now looked ill in every way for A'zam Sh&h. * * On 
the side of Sh&h ^Alam fourteen or fifteen nobles of distinction 
were killed, * * and a great number on the side of A'zam Sh&h 
were slain. Zu-1 fik&r Eh&n received a slight wound upon the 
lip. When he saw that the day was lost, that many of his 
valiant companions in arms were slain, and that A'zam Shaba's 
army was pressed so hard that there was no hope of deliverance, 
he went to the Prince and said, " Your ancestors have had to 
endure the same kind of reverse, and have been deprived of 
their armies ; but they did not refuse to do what the necessities 
of the case required. The best course for you now is to leave 
the field of battle, and to remove to a distance, when fortune may 
perhaps assist you, and you may retrieve your reverse." A'zam 
Sh&h fiew into a r^e, and said, ^' Qo with your bravery, and save 
your life wherever you can ; it is impossible for me to leave this 
field : for princes there is (only the choice of) a throne or a bier*" 
{takht yd takhta), Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n, accompanied by H&midu-d 
din Eh&n, then went oiF to Gw&lior. 

The ill-fated Prince now found himself left with only two or 
three hundred horsemen among thousands of enemies, and amid 
a rain of arrows and balls. In this extremity he exclaimed, *^ It 
is not Sh&h 'Alam who fights against me ; God has abandoned 
me, and fortune has turned against me." He had an infant son 
with him in his howda^ whom he endeavoured to shield from the 
balls and arrows. That brave young Prince desired to show the 
valour of his race, but his father forbade him, and tried still more 
to protect him. Two or three drivers fell wounded from the 
elephant, and the animal itself was pierced with many wounds, 



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400 KHArr khan. 

and beeanie impatient. Death was threatening, and A^zam Sh&h 
felt that his foot was in the stirrup for his last journey ; but he 
bravely got out of the howda^ and endeavoured to control the 
elephant and drive him forward, but he was unable. The sun of 
his life was near its setting — an arrow struck him in the fore- 
head and ended his existence. Bustam 'All Kh&n, who had got 
near to the elephant, hearing what had happened, mounted the 
animal, and cut off the head of the Prince with his pitiless 
sword. He carried it to the army of Sh&h ^Alam, and the 
shouts of victory rose high. * * When Sh4h 'Alam saw the 
gory head of his brother, he looked fiercely at that dog Bustam 
^Ali Elh&n, and burst into tears. 

All the four Princes, Kh&n-kh&n&n and his sons, and the 
other amirSy came to congratulate the victor. The jewels and 
ashrqfk which were in the hotvda of A'zam Sh&h were plundered ; 
all else, t^ts, elephants, guns and equipments were secured. 
Sh&h ^i^lam caused a small tent to be pitched, in which he offered 
up his thanks for the victory. He then had the sons of A^zam 
Sh&h brought to his presence, the eldest son and the Princes 
Bed&r-dil and Sa'id-bakht. He received them most kindly, 
embraced them, and stroked their heads with paternal gentleness. 
He promised them safety and every attention and care, and he 
did his best to console and comfort the ladies. He embraced 
Kh&n-kh&n&n, and avowed that all the success was owing to his 
exertions and devotion. Lastly, he ordered the corpses of A'zam 
Sh&h, Bed&r Bakht, and his brother, to be properly tended, and 
to be carried for interment near the tomb of the Emperor 
Hum&yun. 

Next day Sh&h 'Alam went to visit Kh&n-kh&nan, and raised 
him to the highest rank, with the title of Khdn-khdndn Bahadur 
Zafar Jang and Ydr-i tcqfdddr (faithful friend). He presented 
him with a kror of rupees in cash and goods, a larger bounty 
than had ever been bestowed on any individual since the rise of 
the House of Timtir. His mansab was increased to 7000 and 
7000 horse, five thousand being da-aspas and eih-aspas. He also 



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MUNTAKHABtr-L LUBAB. 401 

received two kror% oiddms as in^dm^ and he was confirmed in the 
office of wazir. Of the ten lacs of rupees which he offered as 
peshkasAj one was accepted. Na'im Eh£n, his eldest son, received 
the title of Kh&n-zam&n Bah&dur, with an increase to 5000 and 
5000 horse, and a robe of the third rank. The younger son 
was entitled Kh4na-z&d Kh&n Bah&dur, and his manaab was 
increased to 4000 and 3000 horse. Each of the four royal 
Princes had his mamab increased to 30,000 and 20,000 horse. 
\Many other honours and rewards."] 

When the news of the victory and of the death of A^zam 
Shah reached Gw&lior, weeping and wailing arose from every 
tent. Amiru-l umard Asad Kh4n went to wait upon Zebu-n 
Nissa Begam, eldest sister of A'zam Sh&h, to offer his condolences 
to her and the other ladies. In concert with ^In&yatu-Uah Kh&a 
diwin^ he placed seals upon the jewels, the treasure and other 
effects, and then prepared to set off to the presence of Bah&dur 
Sh&h. A grsioiona /armdn promising favour and safety arrived, 
summoning to the presence Amiru-l umard AsadEh&n, Zu-1 fik&r 
!Kh&n Nusrat Jang and H4midu-d din Kh&n, who had repaired to 
Gw&Iior (before the battle), and they were to bring with them 
the ladies of the late Prince with their establishments. Amiru^l 
umard accompanied the retinue of Naw&b Kudsiya Zebu-n Nissa, 
who was clothed in mourning garments. When they arrived, the 
Begam did not go through the form of offering congratulations, 
in consequence of her being in mourning, and this vexed the 
King. Bub he treated her with great kindness and indulgence, 
doubled her annual allowance, and gave her the title of Padsh&h 
Begam. All the other ladies of A'zam Sh&h were treated with 
great sympathy and liberality, and were ordered to accompany 
Fidsh4h Begam to the capital. 

Promotions, Appointments, and other Arrangements. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 699.] To Asad Kh&n was given the 

title Nizdmu'l Mulk Asafu-d dauia. He was also made 

vakll-i mutiaky as the office was called in former reigns, and 

VOL. VII. 26 



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402 KHAFr KHiKN. 

the appointment and remoral of tcazirs and other officials 
ased to be in this grandee^s hands^ He was also presented 
with four stallions, five horses with accoutrements, etc., etc., 
and was allowed the privilege of having his drums beaten in 
the royal presence. Some envious spirits privately observed that 
the Amiru-l umard had been the close friend and trusted adviser 
of A^zam Sh&h; but the Emperor answered that if his own sons 
had been in the Dakhin, the exigencies of the position would have 
compelled them to join their uncle. Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n's mansab 
was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse. He received the title of 
Sammmu'd daula Amirihl Bdhddur Nmrat Jang^ and was rein- 
stated in his office of Mir-bakhshL lOther promotions and rewards,^ 
In short, all the adherents, great and small, of the King and 
Princes, received lacs of rupees in in'dm^ fourfold and sixfold aug- 
mentations of their mansabs^ and presents of jewels and elephants. 

Although the office of wazir had been given to Eh&n-kh&n&n, 
it was deemed expedient, in order to conciliate Asad Eh&n 
AmirU'l umard and Zu-1 fik4r Eh&n, to elevate Asad Kh&n to the 
position of wazir. To outward appearance he was raised to this 
dignity ; but whenever any ministerial business of importance 
arose, Kh&n-khanan did not communicate it to Asafud daula. On 
the day that Asafu-d daula acted as ditcdn^ it became incumbent 
upon Kh&n-khan&n to wait upon him as other ministers did, and 
to obtain his signature to documents ; but this was disagreeable to 
him. Asafu-d daula was desirous of rest, for his continual activity 
during the reign of Aurangzeb had allowed him little enjoyment 
of life. So it was arranged that Sams&mu-d daula should act as 
deputy for his father in the office of minister, and that his father 
should take charge of Naw&b P&dsh&h Begam, and repair to the 
capital to pass his old age in comfort. With the exception that the 
seal of Asafu-d daula was placed upon revenue and ciyil parwdnas 
and aanads^ he had no part in the administration of the government. 

An order was issued that the late Emperor Aurangzeb should 
be styled Khuld-makdn. 

Kh&n-khanan discharged his duties as tcazir with repute, in- 



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MTJNTAEHABTJ-L LTJBAB. 403 

tegritj and impartiality, and he exerted himself bo earnestly in 
the performance of his work, that when he took his seat, he 
appointed officers to see that no petitions or letters of the day 
before remained nnnotioed. One of the most acceptable and 
beneficial of the measures of Eh&n-kh&n&n was the relief he 
afforded in that oppressive grievance, the feed of the cattle of 
the manaabddra. To explain this matter briefly, it may be said 
thafc in the late reign the dkhta-begis and other rapacious 
officials had so contrived that the responsibility of providing food 
for the cattle had been fixed on the mansabddrs. Notwithstand- 
ing the mansabddrsy through the smallness of their surplus rents, 
had been for a long time in want of a loaf for supper,^ (the 
officials), after great perseverance and pressure, got something 
out of the small total of (each) jdgir. Although a jdgir might 
be lying waste, and its total income would not suffice for 
a half or a third of the expense of the animals, and leave a 
little to supply the necessaries of life to the holder's wife and 
family, the c^cials imprisoned his vakils^ and with violence 
and insult demanded contributions for the food of the cattle. 
*The vakils complained of this tyranny to the Emperor, but the 
ddrogha of the elephant stables and the dkhta-begi made pro- 
testations which satisfied His Majesty, so that the complaints met 
with no redress. This oppression reached such a. height that the 
vakils resigned their offices. In the present reign Eh4n-kh4n&n 
inade an arrangement by which tankhtcdh (cash) was to be given 
to the manaabddra otjdffirs. Money sufficient for the keep of the 
animals being deducted from the total rent (of the jdgirs), the 
balance remaining was to be paid in cash. By these means the 
grievance of the animal's keep was entirely removed from the 
manaabddrs and the vakils. Indeed it may be said that an order 
was given remitting the contributions for tlie food of the animals.^ 
I Here comes a parenthetical sentence : 

Jjjy JjyJ jIkJ Xa jj\j\ CSi kis:L»J <jy>- ^Lljb ^ 

which means th it <* the Emperor (on some representation about this matter) had 
written (rhe proYcrb) : ' There is (but) one pomegranate and a hundred sick men 
(requiring it).' "—Roebuck's ProTcrbs, No. 22 U. 
* Parts of thia passage are iuTolyed and the meaning is not always clear. 



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404 KHAPr KBA^. 

Eh&n-kh&D&n had a strong partiality for Sufi-ism, and had a 
knowledge of science. He wrote a book called Al Hdmiya^ upon 
the spiritual life and Sufi mysticism, which in the opinion of contro- 
▼ersialists passes beyond the bounds of the Law upon some points. 

Orders were given that in the coinage of rupees and ashrqfU no 
verse should be used, but that the name " Sh&h 'Alam Bah&dur 
Sh&h^^ and the name of the (mint) city ehould be impressed in 
prose. It was also ordered that in the khutba the name ^' Sh&h 
^iilam "" should be embellished by the title *' Saiyid.^^ It appears 
from history that from the rise of the House of Timiir — nay, 
even from the foundation of the Ghori dynasty — ^no one of the 
monarchs had ever used the title of Saiyid in the khutba^ or in 
his pedigree, with the exception of Khizr Eh&n. He (KhiEr 
Kh&n) was by origin and by the names of his ancestors an 
Afgh&n, as is apparent by the title Malik ; but after he came 
to the throne of Dehli, the historians of his reign, upon very 
weak proofed applied to him in a loose way the title of Saiyid. 

Ajit Singh and other Jldjputs. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 605.] Towards the end of the year 1119 the 
Emperor marched from Agra^ with the intention of chastising 
the Rdjpiita in the vicinity of l/dipdr and Jodpur. From the 
reports of the news-writers of the province of Ajmir, and the 
parganas around Jodpur, the following matters became known 
to His Majesty. Baja Ajit Singh, who was called the son of 
B&ja Jaswant, had been brought up by the wiles of Durga I}iA^ 
and other evil-disposed infidels, as the son of the deceased 
K&ja.^ He had cast oiF his allegiance to the late Emperor, and 
done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb 
he again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing 
Musulm&ns, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the 
summons to prayer, razing the mosques which had been 
built after the destruction of the idol- temples in the late 
leign, and repairing and building anew idol-temples. He 
1 See n(pf a, p. 296. 



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HXTirrASHABU-L LUBAB. 405* 

warmly supported and assisted the army of the B&n& of 
Ifdiptir^ and was closely allied with B&ja Jai Singh^ whose son« 
in-law he was. He had carried his disaffection so &r that he 
had not attended at Court since the accession. On the 8th 
Sha^b&n the Emperor marched to punish this rebel and his tribe, 
by way of ^mber, the native land of Jai Singh, betweeii> Ajmir 
and Chitof. * * 

Ajit Singh and his allied E&jas knew that submission and 
obedience alone could save them and their families and pro- 
perty ; so he addressed himself to Eh&a-kh&n&n and his son 
Eh&n-zam&n, expressing his sorrow, humility, and obedience; 
and he sent a message humbly asking that Kh&n-zam&n and 
the Kdziu-l Kuzdt might come into Jodpdr, to rebuild the 
mosques, destroy the idol- temples, enforce the provisions of 
the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of cows, 
to appoint magistrates and to commission officers to collect the 
jizya. His submission was graciously accepted, and his requests 
granted.^ Officers of justice, kdzk^ muftis, itndms^ and mtiazzins 
(criers ta prayer) were appointed in Jodpur and other towns in 
the country. Ajit Singh and- Jai Singh, with the concurrence of 
Durg& D&s, who was the very soul of the opposition, came to 
Court in hope of receiving pardon for their offences, and each 
was honoured with the gift of a robe, elephant, etc. 

Second Ybar op thb Reign, 1119 a.h. (1707-8 a.d.).. 

Prince Muhammad Kdm Bakhsh. 

[Text, vol. ii. p^ 608.] A kind and admonitory letter was 
addressed by the Emperor to his brother Prince Muhammad 
£&m Bakhsh to the following effect : '^ Our &ther entrusted you 
with the government of the siiba of Bij&pur ; Ve now relinquish 
to you the government of the two Biibas of Bij&pur and Haidar- 

1 The Tazkira-i Chaghatdi adds that Amor Singh, Il&n& of Udiptlr, sent a present 
of jewels (in token of sahmission). 



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406 KEMFI KHiCN. 

&b&d, with all their sabjecto and belongingflt, upon the eondition, 
according to the old rale of the Dakhin^ that the eoina shall 
be struck and the khuiba read in our name. The tribute which 
has hitherto been paid bj the governors of these two provinces 
we remit'^ * * 

A few words shall now be written about Prince Muhammad 
K&m Bakhsh and his proceedings. [Cruel punishments and 
execution of Ahsan Khan and others,"] In answer to the kind 
letter which K&m Bakhsh received from his brother Bah&dur 
Sh&h, he wrote a provoking reply .^ E&m Bakhsh arrived at 
Burh&npdr at the beginning of Jum&da-l awwal, where he was 
detained some time by the swollen state of the Tapti. * * 
Marching from thence by way of Malk&pdr and Nander, he had 
got within two or three marches of Haidardb&d at the end of 
Shaww&l. His whole army had dwindled away through his 
violent bloodthirsty madness ; five or six hundred horse were all 
that remained with him, and they were sorely distressed by harsh 
treatment, hunger, and sight of bloodshed, Bah&dur Sh&h had 
with him nearly 8000 horse. * * K&ni Bakhsh advanced until he 
was only two or three kos from Haidar&b&d, His small force 
now consisted only of * ♦ a few bold companions who would not 
leave him and three or four hundred horse. * *, The orders 
given to Bahadur Shah^s commanders were that they were not 
to bring on a fight, but to surround E&m Bakhsh so that he 
should not be killed, and the blood of Musulm&ns should not be 
spilt. * * Kh&n-kh&n&n and Zu-1 fik&r Khan, with their respec- 
tive forces, were about a cannon-shot distant from the enemy, 
expecting the order to attack. As they had been ordered not to 
begin the battle, they waited until noon, but sent repeated 
messages to the Emperor for leave to begin. They were told 
that he was taking his usual nap. Whether it were so, or 
whether this evasion was connived at, the generals received no 
reply. 

Zu-I fik&r Eh&n had an old-standing aversion to K&m Baklisb, 
> The Ta%kir<»'i Chaghatdi gires both letters at length. 



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MUNTAKOABU.L LTOAB. 407 

and repeatedly urged Eh&n-kL&n&n to attack. K&m Bakhsh, 
with a heart full of fear and hope, atood firm, expecting the 
onslaught. At length Zu-1 fikdr Kh&n, awaiting no longer the 
consent of the Emperor or the co-operation of Kh£n-kh&n&n^ 
advanced to the attack. This movement compelled Kh4n-kh4n&n 
to advance also with his fourteen or fifteen thousand horse. * * 
Two or three of the companions of E&m Bakhsh were killed or 
wounded, but he stood firm, fighting desperately. He received 
three or four wounds, but he used his bow so well in the face of 
three thousand foes, that a terror fell upon them, and they were 
near upon taking flight. He emptied two quivers and wounded 
and brought many men down ; but loss of blood from his many 
wounds prevailed; he lost his strength, and the enemy surrounded 
his elephant and made him prisoner. His youngest son, who was 
on the same elephant, was also made prisoner after receiving 
four or five severe wounds. Muhiu-s Sunnat, the eldest son, 
fought bravely. The drivers and others on his elephant fell 
wounded one after the other. He then drove the animal himself, 
but fell in the howda wounded with balls and arrows. * * The 
elephant ran off into the country, but was caught by a party of 
Mahrattas, and the Prince became a prisoner. * * All the men 
of K&m Bakhsh who fought near his elephant were killed, and 
were found to be sixty-two in number. * * 

K&m Bakhsh and his two sons, all desperately wounded, were 
taken to Khuld-manzil, and placed near the royal tent. Euro- 
pean and Greek surgeons were appointed to attend them. E&m 
Bakhsh rejected all treatment, and refused to take the broth 
prepared for his food. In the evening the Eing went to see his 
brother. He sat down by his side, and took the cloak from his 
own back, and covered him who lay dejected and despairing, 
fallen from throne and fortune. He showed him the greatest 
kindness, asked him about his state, and said, ^' I never wished 
to see you in this condition.'*^ E&m Bakhsh replied, '* Neither . 
did I wish that one of the race of Timur should be made prisoner 
with the imputation of cowardice and want of spirit.'" The Eing 



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408 KHAFr EHAX. 

gave him two or three spoonfuls of broth with his own hands, 
and then departed with his eyes fall of tears. Three or four 
watches afterwards, Kam Bakhsh and one of his sons named 
Firozmand died.^ Both corpses were sent to Dehli, to be 
interred near the tomb of Ham&yun. 



Ifimd,^ Sindhid. The Mahrattas. 

[Text, vol ii. p. 625.] Nim& Sindhifc had been one of the 
most renowned of all the " Nd-aarddra ** (i.e. Mahratta aarddrs)^ 
and one of the greatest leaders of the accursed armies of the 
Dakhin. His plundering and destructive raids had extended as 
far as the province of M&lw&. Now, under the patronage and 
advice of Zu-1 fik&r Eh&n, be had turned the face of repentance 
to the Imperial throne, with the hope of forgiveness. He had 
taken parfc in the battle against E&m Bakhsh, and having thus 
won the Imperial favour, he and his sons and relations had re- 
ceived the honour of being presented to His Majesty. He 
received a mafisab of 7000 and 5000 horse, two Iocs of rupees, a 
robe, an elephant, a drum, etc. His sons and grandsons each 
received mansabs of 5000 and 4000 — altogether 40,000 and 
25,000 horse. • ♦ 

B&ja S&hu^s mkil was introduced by Zu-1 fik&r Eh&n Bah&dor 
Nusrat Jang, who was Subaddr of the whole Dakhin, and held as 
well the office of Mlr-bakhahi. The vakil presented an applica- 
tion for a farmdn conferring on S&hu the aar-deshmukhk and the 
chauth of the six aiibaa of the Dakhin, on condition of restoring 
prosperity to the ruined land. Jumlatu-1 Mulk Mun'im Kh&n 
Eh&n-kh&n&n had separated the auba of Burh&npur and half 
the auba of Bir&r (which in the revenue records and in common 
language is called Bir&r Pdyin-ghdt) from the six adbaa of the 

^ According to the Tazkira-i ChaghMidi^ tho names of the three sons were Snltftn 
Mahia-s Sannat, Firozmand, and B4rikn-llah, and it was the latter who died. 

* The Text calls him << Nib&,*' jbut a rariant reading (p. 621) giTos ** Nimft,** and 
this agrees with Giant Dnff, who calls him << Neemajee Sindia.'* 



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MXTNTAKHABU.L LUBiCB. 409 

Dakhin, in accordance with the arrangement which obtained 
under the F&ruki dynasty and under the Emperor Akbar ; and 
he had included these among the siibas dependent on Dehli, 
which by uniyersal accord is the capital (asl) of Hindust&n. 
He was desirous that the civil and revenue affairs (of these Mxm) 
and the appointment and dismissal of officers should be under 
the direction of his eldest son Mah&bat Eb&n. This caused a 
disagreement between Zu-1 fikdr Kh&n and Mun'im Kh&n, for 
the Bakhshiu'l Mulk was not at all desirous that any one else 
should have any authority or control in the civil and revenue 
affairs of the Dakhin. 

T&r& B&i was widow of B&m B&ja, that is, she was the widow 
of the uncle of B&ja S&hd, and B&m B&ja left two sone by her of 
tender years. In the reip^ of the late Emperor Aurangzeb, 
after a warfare of ten years, she sued for peace, on condition 
of being allowed to levy nine rupees per cent, as sar-deahmukhk. 
As has been stated in the proper place, Aurangzeb declined for 
various reasons. Now, by the intervention of Jumlatu-1 Mulk, 
she asked for a fartndn in the name of her son, granting the 
nine rupees of the aar-deshmukhiy without any reference to the 
ehauth^ for which he would suppress other insurgents and restore 
order in the country. Sams&mu-d daula Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n took 
the side of R&ja S&hu, and a great contention upon the matter 
arose between the two ministers. The Ring, in his extreme good 
nature, had resolved in his heart that he would not reject the 
petition of any one, whether of low or high degree. The com- 
plainants and defendants made their statements to His Majesty, 
and although they differed as much as morning and evening, ' 
each was accepted, and an order of consent was given. So in 
this matter of the sar-deahmukhij farmdns were directed to be 
given in compliance with the requests both of Mun'im Eh&n 
and Zu4 fik&r Kh&n; but in consequence of the quarrel between 
these two nobles, the orders about the sar-deahmukhi remained 
inoperative. 



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410 KHAFr KOKS. 

Titles. Character of Bahadur Shdh. 

[vol. ii. p. 627.] Since the rise of the House of Timur it had 
been the rule that one and the same title shoald not be given to 
two persons. * * But now the ugly practice arose of giving the 
same title to two or more persons, and in the same way the 
grants of mansabs^ naubat and nahdra, elephants, the jigha and 
ear-pech were no longer regulated by the rank and dignity of the 
recipient. 

For generosity, munificence, boundless good nature, extenuation 
of faults, and forgiveness of offences, very few nionarchs have 
been found equal to Bah4dur Sh&h in the histories of past times, 
and especially in the race of Timur. But though he had no 
vice in his character, such complacency and such negligence were 
exhibited in the protection of the state and in the government 
and management of the country, that witty sarcastic people found 
the date of his accession in the words, Shdh-i be-khabr, '^Heedless 
King." He often sat up all night, and used to sleep to the 
middle of the day ; so in marching his people had to suffer great 
inconvenience ; for many poor fellows were unable to find their 
tents in dark nights when the army and baggage were scattered 
about, and had to pass the night in front of the royal tent, or 
the drum room or offices or the bdndrs. 



The Freebooter Pap Rdi} 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 630.] The Edzi of Warangal and many of 
the chief men of that country came to Court with grievous com- 
plaints of a man named Pap B4i. This infamous man was by 
birth a toddy-seller. He had a sister, a widow possessing some 
property. He went to see her, and after four or five days' stay 
with her, be cast his eyes upon her money and effects. He got 
some fellows to join him. He then tortured his sister most 

* The story of this man is told at great length, and a summary of it is here given, 
as an illustration of the condition of the Dakhin at this time. 



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MUNTAKHABTJ-L LUBAB. 411 

craelly, bnnit her limbs, and took from her all her moDej and 
jewels. He enlisted a lot of footmen, and having made himself 
a stronghold on the top of a little hill, he began to rob travellers 
and pillage the neighbourhood. 

The faujdars and zaminddra resolved to make him prisoner ; 
but he got intelligence of their intention, and fled to Yenkat 
B&o, Zaminddr of Kol&s, and entered his service. After a little 
while he joined another man in the same service, and they began 
to plander on their own accoant. Yenkat B&o seized them and 
kept them in rigorous confinement. But the R&o's son fell ill, 
and his wife, as a means of saving her song's life, obtained the 
release of all the B&o^s prisoners. Fap B&i went to the Tillage- 
of Sh&hpdr, in the pargana of Narganda, sMrkdr of Bhungfr,^ 
and there joined another noted ruffian named Sarw&. He 
gathered round him a party of men, and raised a mud fort m 
a rocky position at Sh4hpur, which is a place of considerable 
strength. He then plundered all the country round. * * 

The faujddr of pargana Eu]p4k, which is seven or eight k<» 
from Shfchpdr, sent E&sim Ehan Afgh&n with a suitable force to 
apprehend him. * * P&p B&i from time to time confronted this 
force, and, seizing his opportunity, attacked one of the villages of 
Eulpdk ; but K&sim Eh&n fell upon him, killed a number of 
his men, and put him to flight. He proceeded to another hill of 
refuge, and E&im Xh&n, while following him, was killed by a 
musket-ball, and his force was then driven back. * * Another 
force besieged him uid Sarwd in Sh&hpur for two months, but he 
escaped. The fort of Sh&hpi&r was then destroyed ; but after the 
withdrawal of the forces, P&p R&i and Sarwd returned^ and 
instead of the old mud fort, built a new one of stone and ehunam^ 
which they fomished with cannon «id implements of war. * * 

Pfip Bai now extended his operations, and plundered all the 
country from fifteen to twenty koH round. * * He was attacked 
by Pur Dil Elh&n, who, after mortally wounding Sarw&, was him- 

^ BhtiDgir lies upon a line drawn from Warangal to Haidar&b&d, and the other 
plaeee named are north of that line. 



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412 KHAFr KHAN. 

self killed. * * P&p B&i increased his forces and materials of 
war, and now turned his efforts to the redaction of forts. Parties 
werefreqaently sent out against him, and he was besieged for two 
months in Shfihpdr, but without result. * * In Muharram, 1120, 
he attacked and.plundered the flourishing town of Warangal, and 
killed from twelve to thirteen thousand men, women and children. 
* * He next attacked and was near upon capturing the fort of 
Bhungir, sixteen koe from Haidar&b&d, and he plundered the 
town and peita, * * carrying off two or three thousand men and 
women as prisoners. ♦ * Afterwards he built another fort near 
T&rikand&, four ko8 from Sh&hpur, which he furnished with all 
requirements and a strong garrison. * * 

His depredations were so great that the King was petitioned 
to march against him in person. * * Ydsuf Eh&n was appointed 
to the Biihaddri, and was ordered to suppress this rebel. * * 
Before any force was sent against him, he laid siege to the town 
of Kulp&k, eight koB from Sh&hpdr. * * On a force coming up, 
he was driyen with loss to Sh&hpur. * * During a short 
absenee from Sh&hpdr some of his prisoners broke loose and 
seized upon the fort, * * and he had to return and besiege 
it, but failed to take it, as a detachment came from Eulp&k, 
and fought him. * * ♦ He then fled to T&rikanda, ♦ • 
whither he was pursued. * * * After a siege of nine months, 
many of his men were induced to desert, * * his provisions ran 
short, * * and the petta and part of the works were taken in 
repeated assaults. * * He again fled, and his absence did not 
become known for two day^. He went alone ta Hasan&b&d, a 
place which he had founded two stages from T&rikand&, where 
he was betrayed. He was wounded, captured, and executed. His 
head was sent to Court, and his limbs were exposed over the gate 
of Haidar&b&d. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 413 

Third Year of the Reign, 1120 a,h. (1708-9 A.D.). 

The Sikhs. 

[Text, YoL ii. p. 661.] There is a sect of infidels called CfuHi^ 
moro commonly known as Sikhs, Their chief, who dresses as a 
foMr^ has a fixed residence near L&hore. From old times he has 
built temples in all the towns and populous places, and has 
appointed one of his followers to preside in each temple as his 
deputy. When iuiy one of the sect brought presents or offerings 
for the ChArU to the temple, the deputy had to collect them, and, 
after deducting sufficient for his own food and expenses, his duty 
was to send the balance &ithfully to the Ourit. This sect consists 
principally of Jdts and Khatris of the Panj&b and of other tribes 
of infidels. When Aurangzeb got knowledge of these matters, be 
ordered these deputy Ourus to be removed and the temples to be 
pulled down. 

At the time that Bah&dur Sh&h marched towards Haidar&b&d, 
Gobind, the chief QuHi of the sect, came to join him with two or 
three hundred horsemen bearing spears and some footmen. After 
two or three months, he died from the wounds of a dagger, and 
his murderer was not discovered. When the news of his death 
reached the Panjib, where the bulk of the Sikhs were living, an 
obscure member of the sect, about the name^ given to whom there 
are various statements, gave out that in the course of transmi- 
gration, which the Sikhs believe in and call avatar^ be had 
taken the place of the murdered Gobind, who had come to life 
again as a bearded man in his body, fi>r the purpose of taking 
revenge. This worthless dog. having published this statement, 
stirred up disaffection in the sect, and raised the standard of 
rebellion. By jugglery, charms, and sorcery, he pretended to 
perform miracles before credulous people, and gave himself the 
name of Saehd Padshah " True King.'' 

He began to plunder in the Panj&b and the country about 

1 Heiflknownbythenameof ^'Banda." 

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414 KHAFr KHAN. 

Sihrind, and in the course of three or four months he gathered 
round him four or five thousand pony {ydbii) riders and seven or 
eight thousand motley footmen. His numbers daily increased, and 
much plunder fell into his hands, until he had eighteen or nineteen 
thousand men under arms, and carried on a predatory and cruel 
warfare. He fought with two*or ihree faujddrs who went out to 
punish him, defeated them and killed them. In many villages 
which he plundered he appointed thdndddrs and tahsilddrs to 
collect the revenues of the neighbourhood for him, and matters 
came to such a pass that with three or four thousand infidels 
who were leagued with him, he wrote orders to the Imperial 
officials and the managers of the Jdgirddra, calling upon them to 
submit to him, and to relinquish their posts. 

Wazir Kh&n, Faujddr of Sihrind, had held the charge of the 
civil and revenue affairs of that district for a long time. He had 
some troops and treasure, and had obtained a reputation by his 
firm management. When he heard how districts in his charge 
had been ravaged and plundered, he set about collecting troops 
and warlike equipments. He joined with him four or five 
faujddrs and zaminddrs of name, prepared lead and gunpowder, 
mustered five or six thousand horse and seven or eight thousand 
musketeers fbarkanddz) and archers, and with these and some 
artillery and elephants he marched out to give battle and to 
punish that perverse sect. After marching three or four kas^ he 
came up with the enemy. 

The accursed wretches had got warning of the movement of 
Wazir Khin, and advanced to meet him. All his followers kept 
shouting "Sachd Pddshdh'' md ''Fafh daras.*' The battle' 
began, and great bravery was shown on both sides, but especially 
by the confederate sectarians. They advanced sword in hand 
iEigainstthe elephants, and brought two of them down. Many 
Musulm&ns found martyrdom, and many of the infidels went to 
the sink of perdition. The Musulm&n forces were hardly able to 
endure the repeated attacks of the infidels, when a musket-ball 
made a martyr of Wazir Elh4n, and they were put to flight. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 415 

Money and baggage, horses and elephants, fell into the hands of 
the infidels, and not a man of the army of Isl4m escaped with 
more than his life and the clothes he stood in. Horsemen and 
footmen in great numbers fell under the swords of the infidels, 
who pursued them as far as Sihrind. 

Sihrind was an opulent town, with wealthy merchants^ 
bankers, and tradesmen, men of money, and gentlemen of every, 
class ; and there were especially learned and religious men in 
great numbers residing there. No one found the opportunity of 
saving his life, or wealth, or femily. When they heard of the 
death of Wazir Kh&n, and the rout of his army, they were 
seized with panic. They were shut up in the town, and for 
one or two days made some ineffectual resistance, but were 
obliged to bow to &te. The evil dogs fell to plundering, 
murdering, and making prisoners of the children and families of 
high and low, and carried on their atrocities for three or four 
days with such violence that they tore open the wombs of preg- 
nant women, dashed every living child upon the ground, set fire 
to the houses, and involved rich and poor in on^ common ruin. 
Wherever they found a mosque, a tomb^ or a gravestone of a 
respected Musulm&u, they broke it to pieces, dug it up, and 
made no sin of scattering the bones of the dead. When they 
had done with the pillage of Sihrind, they appointed officers to 
collect the rents and taxes in all the dependent districts. 

Accounts of the calamity which had fallen upon Sihrind 
reached 'AH Muhammad £h&n, Faujddr of Sah&ranpur, and 
he WAS terror-struck. Although a number of gentlemen and 
Afgh&ns gathered round him and urged him to act boldly and to 
put his fortifications in a state of defence, it was of no avail ; 
he went off £o Dehli with his property and family. The men of 
the town assembled, and, moved by one spirit, they threw up 
breastworks ' all round. When the villainous foe arrived, they 
made a manful resistance, and fighting under the protection of 
their houses, they kept up such a discharge of arrows and balls, 
that they sent many of their assailants to hell. Many men of 



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416 KHAFr KHAN. 

noble and respectable families fell fighting brayelj, and obtained 
the honoar of martyrdom. The property and the &milies of 
numbers of the inhabitants fell into the hands of the enemy, and 
numerous women, seeing that their honour was at stake, and 
captivity before them, threw themselves into wells. A party 
of brave gentlemen collected their wives and families in one spot, 
and kept up such a manful resistance that they saved the lives, 
the property, and the honour of their families. 

After a large booty of money, jewels, and goods of S &rangp ur 
had fallen into the hands of the enemy, they took measures to 
secure the surrounding country, and they sent severe orders to 
Jal&l Kh&n, Faujddr of Jal4I&b&d, who had founded the town 
and built th« fort, and was famed for his boldness and valour 
throughout the country. When the letter of the accursed 
wretches reached him, he ordered the bearers to be exposed to 
derision and turned out of the place. He set his defences in 
order, collected materials of war, and did his best to protect the 
name and honour of those around him, and to get together a 
force sufficient £o oppose the infidels. Intelligence was brought 
in that the enemy were only three or four ko8 distant, and they 
had attacked and surrounded two villages dependent on Jal&l&b&d, 
the forts and houses of which were full of property belonging 
to merchants. 

Jal&l Kh&n sent out three or four hundred Afgh&n horse, 
and nearly a thousand musketeers and archers, under the com- 
mand of Ghul&m Muhammad Kh&n, his own grandson, and 
Hizbar Kh4n, to relieve the besieged places and drive off the 
infidels. Their arrival greatly encouraged the people who were 
assailed. Four or five hundred brave musketeers and bowmen 
and numbers of peasants, armed with all sorts of weapons, and 
with slings, came forward boldly to oppose the enemy, and the 
battle grew warm. Although the enemy fought with great 
courage and daring, and Hizbar Eh&n with a great many 
Musulm&ns and peasants were killed, the repeated attacks of the 
Afgh&ns and other Musulm&ns of name and station routed the 



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MTJNTAKHABU-L LUB^CB. 417 

enemy, and they fled, after a great number had been slain. 
Several fights afterwards took place between Jal&l Kh&n, and the 
infidels received two or three defeats ; bat they still persevered 
with the investment of Jal41db&d. 

At length seventy or eighty thoasand men swarmed together 
from all parts like ants and locusts. They brought with them 
two or three hundred movable morchdls made of planks, on which 
they had placed wheels as upon carts, and with them surrounded 
Jal&ldbdd as with a ring. It is impossible to relate iu full 
all the brave deeds done by the Afgh&ns in their conflicts with 
the enemy. The assailants advanced their morchdk to the foot 
of the wall, when they discharged arrows, musket-balls, and 
stones, and raising their cry of " FcUh darasy'' they strove in the 
most daring way, with four or five hundred pickaxes and other 
implements, to undermine the wall, to pass over it by ladders, and 
to bum the gate. The Afgh&ns threw open the gate, and went 
out with their drawn swords in their hands, and shields over their 
heads, and in every attack killed and wounded a hundred or 
two of the infidels. Many Musulm&ns also fell. Attacks were 
also made upon the enemy at night. For twenty days and nights 
the besieged could get neither food nor rest. At length the in- 
fidels, having lost many thousand men and gained no advantage, 
raised the siege. They went ofi* to reduce Sult&npur and the par- 
ganas of the J&landhar Do&b. They sent a letter to Shams Kh&n, 
the Faujddr^ calling upon him to submit, to carry out certain 
instructions, and to come to meet them with his treasure. * * 

Shams Kh&n, with four or five thousand horse and thirty 
thousand foot, armed with matchlocks, bows and all kinds of 
weapons, which they had possessed for a long time or newly 
acquired, went forth accompanied by the zaminddrs. Gentlemen of 
every tribe, peasants, and mechanics, principally weavers, came 
forth boldly to stake their lives and property in resisting the in- 
fidels. They pledged themselves to support each other, and con- 
tributed their money for the general good. More than a hundred 
thousand men so assembled, and went forth from Sult&npur with 
TOL. vn. %7 



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418 EHAFr KHAN. 

great display. The infidels, on hearing of these bold proceedings 
of Shams Kh&n, and of his coming forth with such an army and 
implements of war, moved with their whole force, amounting to 
seyenty or eighty thousand horse and foot. They had with them 
the guns they had brought from Sihrind, their plan]^ construc- 
tions, bags full of sand for making lines, and lead and gunpowder. 
Plundering everywhere as they went, they came to Rdhun,^ seven 
ko8 from Sult&npdr. There they had halted, and took post by 
a brick-kiln, all the bricks of which they used for making a 
sort of fort ; and having thrown up lines all round, they made 
ready for battle. They sent out patrols in all directions, and 
they wrote threatening orders to the chaudhark and kdningoa 
calling upon them to submit. 

Shams Eh&n had many thousands of brave Musulm&ns on his 
right hand and his left, all animated with desire for a holy war 
and hope of martyrdom, who encouraged each other and said, 
^*If Shams Elh&n is defeated and killed, our lives and property 
and families are all lost.**^ Vying with and inspiriting each other, 
they advanced boldly to within cannon-shot of the enemy. At 
the dose of the first watch of the day, the battle began with a 
discharge of guns and muskets. Ten or twelve thousand balls 
and stones from slings came rattling like hail upon the forces of 
Isl&m, but by God's mercy produced no great efiect, and no man 
of note was killed. Shams Eh&n forbade haste and a useless dis- 
chaise of ammunition. He went steadily forward, and after a 
volley or two from the infidels, he sent forward an elephant 
supported by forty or fifty thousand Musulm&ns who had come 
together from all parts. They raised their war-cry, charged the 
infidels, and killed and wounded great numbers. 

The infidels, after fruitless struggles, were overpowered, and 
being discouraged, they took refuge in the fort of R&hun, of 
which they had obtained possession before the battle. This was 
invested, and a general fire of muskets and rockets began. The 
garrison of the fort of R&hdn had left in it their warlike stores 
1 In the J&landhar Do&b. 



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MTTNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 419 

and provisions when they evacuated it, and of these the infidels 
took possession and stood firm in the fopt. They were invested 
for some days ; but at night parties of them came out, and attacked 
the forces of Isl&m, killing men and horses. Both sides were in 
difficulty, but especially the enemy. They evacuated the ibrt at 
night and fled. Shams Eh4n pursued them for some koSy and 
took from them a gun and some baggage, camels and bullocks, 
with which he returned to Sult&npur. 

Next day about a thousand of the enemy attacked the garrison 
which Shams Eh&n had placed in B&hdn, drove them out and 
occupied it themselves. The enemy then proceeded to plunder 
the neighbourhood of L&hore, and great alarm was felt in that 
city and all aroutid. IsUm Kh&n, the Prince'^s ditcdn^ and ndih 
of the M>a of L&hore, in concert with E&zim Eh&n, the royal 
^tcdHy and other officials, after setting in order the fortifications 
of the city, went out with a large muster of Musulm&us and 
Hindus, and encamped four or five has from the city, where he 
busied himself in cutting off the patrolling parties of the enemy. 
The people in L&hore were safe from danger to life and property, 
but the outskirts up to the garden of Sh&lim&r, which is situated 
two koB from the city, were very much ravaged. 

For eight or nine months^ and from two or three days^ march 
of Dehll to the environs of L&hore, all the towns and places of 
note were pillaged by these unclean wretches, and trodden under 
foot and destroyed. Men in countless numbers were slain, the 
whole country was wasted, and mosques and tombs were razed. 
After leaving L&hore, they returned to the towns and villages of 
Sh&dhura and Kam&l, the faujddr of which place was slain after 
resisting to the best of his ability. Now especially great havoc 
was made. A hundred or two hundred Hindus and Musulm&ns 
who had been made prisoners were made to sit down in one place, 
and were slaughtered. These infidels had set up a new rule, and 
had forbidden the shaving of the hair of the head and beard. 
Many of the ill-disposed low-caste Hindus joined themselves to 
them, and placing their lives at the disposal of these evil-minded 



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420 KHAFr KHAN. 

people, they found their own advantage in professing belief and 
obedience, and thej were yery active in persecuting and killing 
other castes of Hindus. 

The revolt and the ravages of this perverse sect were brought 
under the notice of His Majesty, and greatly troubled him; bat 
he did not deem its suppression so urgent as the putting down of 
the ItdjpM rebellion, so the royal armies were not sent against 
them at present. Giving the Bdjp&t difficulty his first atten- 
tion, the royal army marched from XJjjain towards the homes of 
the EdjpiUs. 

The Bdjputs. 

[voL ii. p. 661.] The march of the royal army to lay waste the 
land of the Rqjpiits awakened these rebellious people to a sense of 
their danger. They sent representatives to make friends of Kh&n- 
kh4n&n Mu^azzam Kh^ and Mah&bat £h&n, and through their 
intervention to obtain peace. The Emperor was in some points 
unwilling to concede this ; but the troubles ntor Ldhore and 
Dehli disturbed him, and he yielded to the representations of the 
mkih for the sake of being at liberty to punish these infidel 
rebels. It was settled that B&ja Jai Singh, B&ja Ajit Singh, 
and the vakih of the Bdn& and other Rd^/puts, should make their 
homage, put on the robes presented to them, and accompany the 
royal train. All the Rdjputa of name and station, forming a 
body of thirty or forty thousand horse, passed in review ; they 
tied their hands with handkerchiefs, and paid homage in front 
of the cavalcade. Bobes, horses, and elephants were then dis- 
tributed. 

Fourth Year of the Beign, 1121 a.h. (1709-10 a,d.). 

[vol. ii. p. 663.] An order was given (near the end of the 
previous year of the reign) that the word vxiai (heir) should be 
inserted among the attributes of the Ehalif 'All in the khutba} 

^ This was a ShTa iniiOYation, and signified that 'AH came next in succession after 
the Prophet. Aocordinj^ to the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirfn^ i^e formula was, <*And 
'Ali is the saint of God and the heir of the Prophet of God."— firiggs, p. 26. 



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MUOTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 421 

When this order reached L&hore, J&n Muhaininad and H&ji 
Y&t Muhamamady the most eminent learned men in that city, in 
accord with many other good and learned men, went in a crowd 
to-tfae.hoQses of the Kdzi and the Sadr^ to forbid the reading of 
the word wasi in the khutba. In the same way the learned men 
and elders of ^ra, supported by a large number of Musulm&ns, 
raised a disturbance and forbade the reading of the khutha in the 
form directed. Similar reports were sent by the news-writers of 
other cities. From Ahmad&b&d it was reported that a party of 
Sunnis with a crowd killed the khatib ^ of the chief mosque, who 
had read the word uHisi in the khutha. 

After the wder for the insertion of the word toctsk in the 
khutba reached Ahmad&b&d, the Sadr wrote to Firoz Jang, the 
SUhaddr^ for official directions as to the course he ¥ras to- pursue, 
and in reply received an autograph letter, directing him ta act in 
obedience ta the orders of the Khalifa (the Emperor). On the 
following Friday the khatih used the word vmA in the* khuiba. 
Some men of the Panj&b and some notables of Tur&n came 
noisily forward, and harshly addressing the khaiih^ said, 
"We excuse you this Friday for using the word, but next 
Friday you must not pronounce it." He replied that he would 
act in obedience to the orders of the Emperor, the Ndzim 
(viceroy), and the 8adr. On the following Friday, when the 
khaiib ascended the pulpit, one of the Mughals said to him, 
" You must not use the word «^arf." The doomed khatib would 
not be restrained ; but the nM>ment the word wasi fell from his 
tongue, a Panj&bi rose, seized him by his skirt, dragged him from 
the top of the pulpit, and treated him with harsh scorn. A 
Tur&ni Mughal jumped up, drew his knife, stuck it into the 
stomach of the khatib^ and threw him down under the pulpit. A 
general disturbance followed, and all the people started up. The 
khatib, half dead, was dragged out into the forecourt of the 
mosque, and there he received so many stabs from daggers and 

^ The khatib is the offioiating minister who pronounces the khuiba* 



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422 KRKFX KHAN. 

blows from slippers that he died igDominioasly. For a night and 
a day his heirs had not the courage to remoye his corpse and buy 
it. On the second day the parents of the deceased petitioned 
Firoz Jang for permission to inter him. He gaye them some 
rupees of Goyemment money and his authority for the burial. 



Mdhratta Attadk on Burhdnpdr. 

[Text, yol. ii. p. 666.] A Mahratta woman named Tulasi B&i, 
with fifteen or sixteen thousand horse, came demanding payment 
of the chauth to the town of B4nwir, seyen kw from Burh&npur. 
Haying surrounded the aardi of R&nwir, in which a great number 
of trayellers and yillagers had taken refuge, she sent a message to 
Mir Ahmad Eh&n Siibaddr^ demanding payment of eleyen lacB 
as chauth to saye the town and the men who were besieged in 
the Mrdi. Mir Ahmad, in his contempt for a female warrior, 
haying got together a force of eight or nine thousand horse, 
part his own, and part obtained from the fat^'ddra of the 
yicinity, and with all the officials of Burh&np6r, marched out of 
that place on the 9th Muharram. * * 

The enemy haying got intelligence of his approach, left three 
or four thousand men in charge of their baggage^ and marched 
to meet Mir Ahmad Kh&n with four or fiye thousand yeteran 
horse. The remainder of the Mahratta force was sent to inyest 
and plunder the suburbs of Burh&npur. Mir Ahmad Kh&n was 
seyerely wounded in the sharp encounters which he had with 
the enemy in the course of two or three days ; but hearing of 
the inyestment of Burh&npdr, he turned to succour the besieged. 
Whereyer he went, the enemy hoyered round him and kept up a 
continuous fight. Zafar Kh&n was wounded fighting brayely, 
and finding that the enemy^'s force was increasing, he deemed it 
necessary for saying his life to take a son of Ahmad Kh&n with 
him, and go to the city. The men of his rear guard were nearly 
all killed, and his remaining men endeayoured to saye their liyes 
by flight. Many were made prisoners. Mir Ahmad Kh&n, who 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 423 

was left alone fighting with the enemy, received several wounds, 
and fell from his horse ; but he dragged himself half dead under 
a tree, and obtained martyrdom. 

The Sikhs. 

[vol. ii. p. 669.] The Emperor eame near to Dehli, and 
then sent Muhammad Am(n Eh&n and * * * with a strong 
force against the Sikhs. His instructions were to destroy the 
thdnoB (militaiy posts) established by the enemy, to re-establish 
the Imperial posts, and to restore the impoverished people of 
Sh&h&b&d, Musta&-&b^, Shftdhiira, and other old seats of 
population, which had been plundered and occupied by the 
enemy. Forgetful of former defeat, the enemy had resumed his 
predatory warfare, and was very daring. On the 10th Shaww&l, 
1121 (5th Dec., 1709), the royal army was four or five hoB firom 
Sh&dhura, and a party was sent forward to select ground for the 
camp, when ihe enemy, with thirty or forty thousand horse and 
countless numbers of foot, shouting their cry of ^^ Faih daras^*^ 
attacked the royal army. 

I cannot describe the fight which followed. The enemy in 
their fakir clothing struck terror into the royal troops, and 
matters were going hard with them, when a party of them die* 
mounted from their elephants and horses, charged the enemy on 
foot, and put them to flight. The royal commander then went 
and took post in Sh&dhura, with the intention of sending out 
forces to punish and drive off the enemy. * * But rain fell for 
four or five days, and the weather became very cold. * * * 
Thousands of soldiers, especially the Dakhinis, who were un- 
accustomed to the cold of those parts, fell ill, and so many horses 
died that the stench arising from them became intolerable. The 
men attributed it to the witchcraft and sorcery of the enemy, 
and uttered words unfit to be spoken. News also was brought in 
of the daring attacks made by the enemy on the convoys and 
detachments of the royal army, in which two or three fatyddrs 



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424 KHAPr KHAN. 

of repute were killed. Jumlata-1 Mulk Eh&n-kh&n&D, with one 
son, and * *, were sent under the command of Prince Rafi^u-sh 
Sh&n to repress the enemy. 

After repeated battles, in which many men were killed on both 
sides, the infidels were defeated, and retreated to a fastness in 
the hills called Lohgarh, which is near the hills belonging to the 
Barfi Raja (Icy King),* and fortified themselves. ♦ The Gurii of 
the sect Incited and encouraged his followers to action by assuring 
them that those who should fall fighting bravely on the field of 
battle would rise in a state of vouth to an everlastinor existence 
in a more exalted position. * Continual fighting went on, and 
numbers fell. • * The provisions in their fortress now failed, 
and the infidels bought what they could from the grain-dealers 
with the royal army, and pulled it up with ropes. * * The 
infidels were in extremity, when one of them, a man of the 
Khairi tribe, and a tobacco-seller by trade, resolved to sacrifice 
his life for the good of his religion. He dressed himself in the 
fine garments of the GhirU^ and went and seated himself in the 
GfufiTs house. Then the Ouru went forth with his forces, broke 
through the royal lines, and made off* to the mountains of the 
Barfi B&ja. 

The royal troops entered the fort, and, finding the Mse Guru 
sitting in state, they made him prisoner, and carried him to 
Kh&n-kh&n&n. Great was the rejoicing that followed; the 
men who took the news to the Emperor received presents, and 
great commendation was bestowed on Eh&n-kh&n&n. The 
prisoner was taken before Eh&n-kh&nan, and the truth was then 
discovered — ^the hawk had flown and an owl had been caught. 
Eh&n-kh&n&n was greatly vexed. He severely reprimanded 
his officers, and ordered them all to dismount and march on foot 
into the hills of the Barfi B&ja. If they caught the Ouni^ they 
were to take him prisoner alive; if they could not, they were to 
take the Barfi B&ja and bring him to the presence. So the 
R&ja was made prisoner and brought to the royal camp, instead 
^ '<The R&ja of Sirmor is so called."— JE^mA/m^n-^ Tawdrikh. 



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MUNTAKHABTJ-L LUBAB. 425 

of the Gfuri. Oleyer smiths were then ordered to make an iron 
cage. This cage became the lot of Barfl B&ja and of that Sikh 
who so doYotedly sacrificed himself for his CfuHIt ; for they were 
placed in it, and were sent to the fort of Dehli. 

In this sect it is deemed a great sin to shave the hair of the 
head or beard. Many of the secret adherents of the sect be« 
longing to the castes of Khatri and J&t were employed in service 
with the army, at the Goart, and in public o£Sces. A pro- 
clamation was issued requiring Hindus in general to shave off 
their beards. A great many of them thus had to submit to what 
they considered the disgrace of being shaved, and for a few days 
the barbers were very busy. Some men of name and position 
committed suicide to save the honour of their beards. 



Death of MunUm Khdn^ Khdn^khdndn. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 674.] Eh&n-khdn&n now fell ill. Since 
the day he incurred tKe shame of allowing the real GuHi to 
escape, he pined with vexation, and be was attacked with a 
variety of diseases, which neither Greek nor European physi- 
cians could cure, and he died. He was a man inclined to 
Suf[-ism, and was a friend to the poor. During all the time 
of his power he gave pain to no one. ♦ ♦ ♦ But the best 
intentions are often perverted Into wrong deeds. It entered 
the mind of Eh&n-kh&n&n that he would build in every city a 
mrdi^ a mosque, or a monastery, to bear his name. So he wrote 
to the sitbaddra and divodm of different places about the purchase 
of ground and the building of aardis^ mosques, and colleges. 
He gave strict injunctions and also sent bills for large sums of 
money. When his order reached the place, all the ofiicials had 
regard to his high dignity, and looking upon his order as a 
mandate from heaven, they directed their attention to the 
building of the mrdia in their respective cities. In some places 
ground fit for the purpose was freely sold by the owners ; but it 
happened in other places that although the officials were desirous 



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426 KHAFr KHAN. 

of buying suitable land, they could not obtain it with the 
consent of the owners. Considering only their own authority, 
and the necessity of satisfying Kh&n-kh&n&n, the o£Scials forcibly 
seized upon many houses which bad been occupied by the owners 
and their ancestors for generations, and drove the proprietors 
out of their hereditary property. Numbers of Musulmina, 
8aif/ids and Hindus were thus driven, sighing and cursing, oat 
of their old homes, as it happened at Burb&npdr and at 
Surat. ♦ ♦ 

Upon the death of Eh&n-kh&n&n there were various opiniona 
as to who should be appointed to his office of irosir and the 
9£baddrl of the Dakhin. It was the desire of Prince ^Azimu-sh 
Sh&n, who had a leading part in the government of the 
country, and of Sa'du-llah Eh&n, the ditcdn, that Zd-1 fik&r 
Eh&n should be appointed tcazlr, and that the two sona 
of Kh&n*kh&n&n should be respectively appointed JBakhshiu^l 
Mulk and Siibad&r of the Dakhin. But Zd-1 fik&r Ehdn 
was unwilling to retire from his position as Bakhshl of the 
Empire and SUbaddr of the Dakhin for the sake of being 
made minister. He said, ^^When Your Majesty made Eh&n- 
kh&n&n your minister, I could make no objection ; but now, 
until my father has been raised to that dignity in the usual 
way, I cannot presume to accept the office." A long discussion 
followed. Prince ^Azimu-sh Sh&n said that Zd-1 iik&r wanted to 
have his &ther appointed minister, and to hold all the other 
offices himself. The Emperor could not make up his mind to 
act in opposition to the wishes of any one. * * It was finally 
arranged that until the appointment of a permanent tcvrsir, 
Sa'du-Uah Eh&n, son of 'In&yatu-llah Eh&n, dkwdn of the person 
and the khdliaa^ should be appointed to act as deputy, and to 
carry on affairs in communication with Prince Muhammad 'Azim. 

Death of Ohdzht-d din Khdn Firaz Jang. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] Intelligence now arrived of the death 
of Gh&ziu-d din Eh&n Bah&dur Firoz Jang, Siihaddr of Ahmad- 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 427 

&b&d, in Gujar&t. It vras also reported that Ain&nat Eh&n, 
muioBaddi of the port of Sorat, on hearing of his death, and that 
he» in prospect of death, had ordered his troops and officers to be 
paid and discharged, hastened to Ahmad&b&d, and took chaige of 
the treasure and stores. Gh&ziu-d din Eh&n was a man bom 
to victory, and a disciplinarian who always prevailed over his 
enemy. A nobleman of snch rank and power, and yet so gentle 
and pleasant spoken, has rarely been seen or heard of among the 
men of Tdrdn. It is said that the Qovernment officials took 
nearly nine lacs of rupees out of his treasury. * * 



The Ehutba. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 681.] The insertion of the word wasi in 
the khutba had given great offence to the religious leaders^ of 
Ldhore, and the order for it had remained a dead letter. An 
order was now given that these religious men should be 
brought into the royal presence. Hdji Y4r Muhammad, Mu- 
hammad Mur&d Khan, and three or four other learned men of 
repute, waited upon His Majesty in the oratory. They were told 
to be seated. The Emperor, and some learned men whom he had 
to support him, brought forward proofs that the word wasi should 
be used. * * After much disputation Hdji Y&r Muhammad 
grew warm in replying to the Emperor, and spoke in a presump- 
tuous, unseemly manner. The Emperor got angry, and asked 
him if he was not afraid to speak in this bold and unmannerly 
way in the audience of a king. The Hdji replied, ** I hope for 
four things from my bounteous Creator. 1. Acquisition of know- 
ledge. 2. Preservation of the Word of God. 3. The Pilgrim- 
age. 4. Martyrdom. Thanks be to God that of his bounty I 
enjoy the first three. Martyrdom remains, and I am hopeful 
that by the kindness of the just king I may obtain that."^ The 
disputation went on for several days. A great many of the 

^ The word used iafuzald^ meaning religious men learned in religious matters. 

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428 KHAFr KHAN. 

inhabitants of the city, in agreement with a party of Afgh&ns, 
formed a league of more than a hundred thousand persons, who 
secretly supported H4ji Y4r Muhammad. Prince ''Azimu-sh 
Shan also secretly gave his countenance to this party. At the 
end of Shaww&l, the Sadr presented a petition on the subject 
of the khutba, and on this His Majesty wrote with his own hand 
that the khutba should be read in the form used during the reign 
of Aurangzeb. * * After this concession the ^tation ceased^ 
but I have heard that H&ji Y&r Muhammad and two other 
learned men, whom the Emperor was angry with, were sent to 
one of the fortresses. 

Fifth Year of thb Eeign, 1122 a.h. (1710 a.d.). 

Death of Bahadur Shdh. 

[Text, vol, ii. p. 683.] The festival of His Majesty's acces- 
sion was celebrated as usual. * * * About the 20th Muharram, 
1123^ (Feb. 18, 1711 a.d.), when the Emperor had passed his 
seventieth lunar year^ there was a great change perceptible 
in him, and in twenty-four hours it was evident that he 
was marked for death. Prince ^Azimu-sh Sh&n, who had come 
to visit his father, when he heard that all the (other) three 
Princes had suddenly arrived, was so alarmed that he gave no 
thought to the condition of his father ; but, not seeing how to 
secure himself, he thought it advisable to go away. On the night 
of the 8th of the month the Emperor died, and was buried near 
the tomb of Kutbu-d din, four or five kos from Dehli. He had 
reigned four years and two months. At the end of the four 
years the treasure of thirteen lacs of rupees, to which he suc- 
ceeded, had all been given away. The income of the Empire 
during his reign was insufficient to meet the expenses, and 
consequently there was great parsimony shown in the Govem- 

^ The Tatkira-i Chaghatdi makes it 1124, and gives Bahiidiir Sh&h a reign of six 
yean. The Siyarthl Muta-akhkhirin agrees; see Biiggs, p. 29. But onr author 
is consistent in his dates, and places the beginning of Farmkh Siyor's reign in 1123 ; 
%^ potty p. 446. 



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MXJNTAKHABXJ-L LUBAB. 429 

nient establishments, but especially in tlie royal household, so 
much so that money was received every day from the treasure of 
Prince "Azimu-sh Sh&n to keep things going. 

Beion of Jahandar Shah, Thirteenth in Descent from 
AmIr TiMfjR Sahib Kiran. 

[vol. ii. p. 685.] One week after the death of Bahidur Sh&h 
was passed in amicable communications and correspondence be- 
tween the four brothers (his sons) about the division of the 
kingdom and property. Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n, who really inclined to 
Jah&nd&r Sh&h, was the negociator among, them. Some of the 
friends and associates of Jah&n Sh&h advised him to seize Zd-1 
fik&r Kh&n when he came to wait upon him, and so to clip the 
wings of Jahand&r Sh&h. But Jahkn Sh&h had not the courage 
to take this step. An opportunity was found for firing the 
arsenal of Jah&n Sh&h, so that all his powder and rockets were 
exploded. The patrols of each of the four brothers were 
constantly moving about. While things were in this state, two 
0^ three camels loaded with property and stuffs, including perhaps 
also some bags of aahrc^ta^ belonging to Prince ^Azimu-sh Sh&n, 
fell into the hands of the patrols of Jah4n Shah, and a contention 
arose about the division of them.^ 

It was settled that the Dakhin should fall to Jah&n Sh&h ; 
Mult&n, Thatta, and Kashmir, to Bafi'u-sh Sh&n; and that 
'Azimu-sh Sh&n and Jah&nd&r Sh&h should divide the remaining 
Mxis of Hinddst&n between them. But the agreement about the 
division of the kingdom and treasure all turned into discord, and 
the partition of the realm was never effected. Mirzd Sadru-d 
din Muhammad Kh&n Safawi Bakhshi deserted Prince 'Azimu-sh 
Sh&n, and joined the party of Prince Jah&n Sh&h ; but the men 
of this Prince held the Mirz& in such suspicion and distrust, 
that by constant opposition they got him removed before the 
war began. 

I Something seems to be wanting here. As it stands, the dispute about the camel- 
loads appean to have been settled by an agreement as to the division of the Empire. 



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430 EHAFr KHAN. 

Defeat and Death of 'Azimush Shdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 686.] Prince Baf!^u-sh Sh&n haying taken offence 
against Hakimu-l Mulk, son of Hakim Muhsin Kh&n, for some 
fault, extorted from him a sum of money and some jewels by 
torture and ignominious treatment. Having then changed his 
post, he went near to the village of Bud&na, three or four kos from 
the city (of L&hore), and there took up a position against Prince 
'Azimu-sh Sh&n. He was protected by the river (on one side), 
and on the other two sides he ordered intrenchments to be thrown 
up. ''Azimu-sh Sh&n held ^ the other side of the river. The 
three brothers agreed "together in opposition to 'Azimu-sh Sh&n. 
All three, in accord with each other, mounted their horses, and 
for four or five days selected positions from which to fire guns 
and rockets upon the army of ' Azimu-sh Sh&n. The artillery of 
*Az{mu-sh Sh&n replied to that of the three brothers, and many 
horses and men were killed. About the 20th of Safiir the sound 
of battle rose high on every side, and the fight was begun. * * 
^Az(mu-sh Sh&n, who was mounted on an elephant, disappeared. 
Some said he had been killed by a cannon-ball : others, that when 
he saw his enemies closing around him on all sides, and that there 
was no escape from the surging armies around him, he cast him- 
self into the waves of the river, and no trace of him was after- 
wards found. The ruffians of the neighbourhood and the soldiers 
of all the four princes fell upon Prince ^Azim's treasure, and the 
vast sums which he had extorted by tyranny and violence in and 
about the M>a of Bengal were plundered in the twinkling of an 
eye, and dispersed into many hands. The three princes caused 
the drums of victory to be beaten, and then retired to their own 
dwellings. 

Defeat and Death of Jahdn 8hdh. 

[vol. ii. p. 687.] Next day many messages passed between 
Jah&nd&r Sh&h and Jah&n Sh&h respecting an arrangement, 
but without result, and the course of affairs tended to the 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LXTBAB. 431 

shedding of each other's blood. A battle followed between 
the armies of the two brothers, and raged from the beginning 
of the day to the third watch. Farkhanda Akhtar, son of 
Jah&n Sh&h, and several amirs of reputation, were killed. On 
the side of Jah&nd&r Sh&h, also, some amirs and many men 
were killed. At length Jah&n Sh&h, mounted on an elephant, 
made an impetuous charge upon the army of Jahand&r, and 
bore all before him, and matters went so ill with Jah&nd&r 
that he was parted from Ldl Kunwar, his fistvourite charmer, 
and had to seek refuge among some stacks of bricks. Jah&n 
Sh&h beat the drums of victory. The letters of the Rdjpiit 
sardfs carried the news of his victory to many parts, and 
the khutba was read with his name in several places. After 
the victory had been proclaimed, and the soldiers wdre dis- 
]^rsed in all directions hunting for Jah&n Sh&h, a cannon-ball 
directed by fate killed him, and his army fled. Zu-1 fik&r 
Kh&n's men hearing of this, attacked the elephant of Jah&n 
Sh&h, and brought it with his corpse, and the corpse of his son 
Farkhanda, to Jah&nd&r Sh&h. Khujista Akhtar, another son 
of Jah&n Sh&h, with a younger brother, were brought prisoners 
to Jah&nd&r Sh&h, who then proclaimed bis victory. 

Death of Rafi'u-sh Shdn. 

[vol. ii. p. 688.] There remained Prince Rafi'u-sh Sh&n, with 
whom also Jah&nd&r proposed friendly negociations about the 
division of the kingdom. Having put the Prince off his guard, 
Jah&nd&r sent a detachment of horse against him by night. 
Bafi'u-sh Sh&n fought desperately. He and his two sons threw 
themselves from their elephant, and fought bravely on foot ; but 
he and several of his companions were killed. Three of his sons 
remained alive, but were wounded, Muhammad Ibr&him, Bafi'u-d 
Daula, and Bafi^u-d Daraj&t. 



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432 EHAFr KHAN. 

Jahdnddr Shah Emperor. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 688.] Jah&nd&r, being thus freed from his 
three brothers, became the monarch of Hindiist&n. He sent 
Muhammad Karim and Prince Humiydn Bakht, who were 
only nine or ten years old, the two sons of Jah&n Shah, and 
the sons of Raii'u-sh Sh&n, to the fort of Dehll. He ordered 
Eustam Dil Kh&n and Allah Wardi Kh&n, who had been 
guilty of open and secret actions against him, and Mukhlis 
Xh&n, whose offence was not manifest, to be subjected to 
various punishments and imprisoned. Mah&bat Kh&u and * * 
other amir%^ more than twenty in number, were ordered to be 
confined in chains, and some were put to the rack and other 
tortures. Their houses also were seized. * * Prince Muhammad 
Earim, after the death of 'Azimu-sh Sh&n, fled, and concealed 
himself in the house of one of the unfortunate men. He took off 
his ring and sent it for sale, and this led to his capture. He 
was brought before Jah&nd&r, who was unwilling to kill him ; but 
being persuaded by Zu4 fik&r Kh&n and Sh&h Kudrat Allah 
Fakir (may the curse of God be on him I), he put him to death. 

In the brief reign of Jah&nd&r, violence and debauchery had 
full sway. It was a fine time for minstrels and singers and all 
the tribes of dancers and actors. There seemed to be a likelihood 
that kdzis would turn toss-pots, and muftis become tipplers. All 
the brothers and relatives, close and distant, of L&l Kunwar, 
received mamaba of four or five thousand, presents of elephants, 
drums and jewels, and were raised to dignity in their tribe. 
Worthy, talented, and learned men were driven away, and bold 
impudent wits and tellers of facetious anecdotes gathered round. 
Among the stories told is the following. 

The brother of L&l Kunwar, Khushh&l Kh&n, who had received 
a mansab of 5000 and 3000 horse, was named Subaddr of Agra. 
Zd-1 fik&r BakfishiU'l Mulk purposely made a delay of several 
days in the preparation of the farmdn and other deeds. L&l 
Kunwar complained of this to Jah&nd&r, and he asked Zu-1 fik&r 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 433 

Kh&n what was the cause of the delay in the drawing out of the 
documents. Zu-1 fikar Khan was very free-spoken to Jahdn- 
dar, and he replied, ''We courtiers have got into the bad 
habit of taking bribes, and we cannot do any business unless we 
get a bribe." Jah&nd&r Shah smiled, and asked what bribe 
he wanted from L&l Kunwar, and he said a thousand guitar- 
players and drawing masters {ustdd-i nakkdshi). When the 
Emperor asked what he could want with them, he replied, 
'' You give all the places and offices of us courtiers to these men, 
and so it has become necessary for us to learn their trade." 
Jah&nd&r smiled, and the matter dropped. 

Another story about him was spoken of in society, and has 
become notorious from city to city. Housed to go out sometimes 
in a cart with a mistress and some companions to enjoy himself 
in the markets and drinking shops. One night he and his 
favourite went out in this way, and both drank so much that they 
became drunk and senseless. On arriving at the door of the 
palace, L&l Kunwar was so drunk that when she got out she took 
no notice whatever of the Emperor, but went to bed and slept 
heavily. The Emperor, who was perfectly helpless, remained 
fiEtst asleep in the cart, and the driver drove home and put the 
cart away. When the servants saw that the Emperor was not 
with L&l Kunwar, they were alarmed, and having roused her up, 
they inquired what had become of him. L61 Kunwar recovered 
sufficient sense to see that the Emperor was not by her side, and 
fell a-crying. People went running about in all directions till 
the Emperor was found in the cart. 

D&ud Kh&n, who was deputy of Zd-1 fik&r Kh&n in the s&bas ^ 
of the Dakhin, exercised such tyranny as is quite incapable of 
relation. Sambhd Ghand, who was called the diwdn and manager 
of Zu-1 fikdr Kh&n, used such filthy obscene language that the 
breath of his foul mouth threw decent men into agony and dis- 
gust. Night and day was passed in devotion to the lusts of this 
vile world. 

Two or three months only had passed, when it became known 
VOL. VII. 28 



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434 KHAFr KHAN. 

that Farrukh Siyar was at Patna preparing for war, and tbat he 
was strongly supported by the Saiyids of B&rha. In BabCn-s 
s&ni, Jah&nd&r Sh&h proceeded from L&hore to Dehli. Kalich 
Kh&n, son of Gh&z(u-d din Khkn Firoz Jang, was a man of 
courage, action, and intelligence. His mansab had been taken 
from him by Bah&dar Sh&h, through heedlessness and want of 
appreciation of his merits, and he retired from Court in disgrace. 
He was now restored, and received a mansab of 5000. * * 

Troops sent against Farrukh Siyar. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 697.] Information was continually brought 
to Jah&nd&r Shah of the proceedings of Farrukh Siyar and the 
Saiyids of B&rha. He now sent against them his son A'azzu-d 
din Kh&n, with 5000 horse ; and he deputed with him Ehw&ja 
Hasan Eh&n, to whom he gave the title of Khdn-daurdn^ and 
under whom he placed the Prince and the army and all the artillery 
and military equipments. Zu-1 fikir Eh&n was aware of the 
limited capacity, want of experience, imbecility and frivolity of 
the Prince. He was also aware of the extraction, character, and 
evil disposition of Ehw&ja Hasan Eh&n, who was one of the 
lowest men of the time. He disapproved of sending him with 
the Prince, and of placing such extensive authority in his hands. 
He mentioned this matter to the Emperor, but Miy&n Eokalt&sh 
Eh&n, father of Ehw&ja Hasan, had long entertained inimical 
and jealous feelings towards Zu-1 fik&r Eh&n, and opposed every- 
thing that he proposed. The Emperor trusted Eokalt&sh Eh&n 
Eoka and L&l Eunwar more than any one else at his Court, and 
so he shut his eyes to what was passing. Chin Ealich Eh&n^ 
who had also been directed to accompany the Prince, was unable 
to do so for want of the means of transport, and was ordered to 
follow him. 

No sooner had Prince A'azzu-d din passed the Jumna than 
great disorder arose in his army in consequence of jealousy and 
want of co-operation among the sarddrs, and th'e irresolution of 



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MXTNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 435 

the Prince. When KaUch Khin arrived at -^gra, he heard of 
the disordered state of the Prince's army in conseqnence of the 
want of union among the officers, and be advised a delay of a 
few days at Agra to see what course events would take. 

Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, supported by Saiyid 'Abdu-llah 
Kh&n, Husain 'Ali Kh&n, and other experienced warriors, was 
marching onwards. Ghhablla B&m, Faujddr of Kora and Karra, 
with Asghar Kh&n, Faujddr of It&wa, took the treasure of their 
districts, and went to join Prince ( A'aazu-d din) ; but when they 
got knowledge of the conduct and doings of Kh£n-daur&n, the 
incapacity of the IVince, and the disorders in the army, they fell 
back and carried the treasure to Farrukh Siyar. 

A'iEizzu-d din arrived at the town of Khajwa, and there he 
obtained intelligence of the approach of Farrukh Siyar. Although 
there^ was a distance of thirteen or fourteen kos between them, he 
was frightened. Towards the end of Shawwdl he halted at 
Khajwa,^ and ordered intrenchments to be thrown up and lines to 
be drawn around his tents and his position. When the banners of 
Farrukh Siyar's advanced force were seen at the distance of two 
ko8^ a great panic fell upon his whole army. Saiyid ^Abdu-Uah 
Kh&n, who commanded Farrukh Siyar's advanced force, having 
seized upon the walls about the ruined villages, opened fire, and 
continued his cannonade from the third watch of the day to the 
third watch of the night. 

A'azzu-d din had long been angry with his father in conse- 
quence of the harsh treatment he had received from L&l 
Kunwar ; and on the 29th Shawwdl he was much dispirited, as 
he received no support and guidance from Kh&n-daurfin, who 
showed more pusillanimity than ever. The terror of Kh&n- 
daur&n was visible in his face, and the Prince consulted with 
him about running away. Both of them were so alarmed 
that they packed up what they could of their jewels, treasure 
and ashrqfts to carry with them. The rest of their money, their 

1 Briggs, in Iub translation of the Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirin, calls the place ''Knch- 
behary." 



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436 KHAFr KHAX. 

tents, their wardrobes, and all their military implements, they 
left to plunderers. At a watch before day these two dignified 
chiefs, with 49ome trustecl companions, took horse and fled. Such, 
a panic fell upon the whole army that the men lost all heart and 
self-command. Some of them did not wait to put saddles on their 
horses, or to collect their necessaries, but vied with each other in 
running away to save their lives. Messengers carried the news 
of their flight to the camp of Farrukh Siyar. Congratulations 
passed from tent to tent, and the sounds of rejoicing rose high. 
The ru£Bans of the bazar and the soldiers, more hungry than 
hawks on a hunting day, started off to plunder, and they seized 
upon money, horses, elephants, and whatever came under their 
hands. 

When Prince A'azzu-d din arrived at -^gra, Chin Ealich 
Kh&n advised him to go no farther, and kept him there. On 
the 18th of the month Jumada-1 awwal Jah&nd&r Sh&h entered 
Dehli. He was looking for news of victory from his son ; and 
when he received the intelligence of his defeat he exerted the 
sense and judgment which the plunderers of the army of Venus 
had left him in making preparations for war. About the middle 
of Zi-1 ka'da he left Dehli. The forces under the command of 
Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n Nusrat Jang did not exceed 20,000 horse. 
Twenty-flve thousand horse under Eokalt&sh Kh&n came to the 
muster. Altogether the army contained about seventy or eighty 
thousand horse, and nearly a hundred thousand infantry. With 
this force he marched against Farrukh Siyar, and reached 
Samugarh near Agra. Farrukh Siyar's array did not number 
one-third of that of Jah&nd&r Shah, which was advancing with 
difficulty. 

When Farrukh Siyar drew near to iiigra, and his forces were 
compared with Jah&nd&r's, most men anticipated a victory for 
the latter. But the Emperor'^s partiality for low women, his liking 
for low company, and his patronage of base-born nameless men, 
had disgusted all the nobles of tr&n and Tur4n. They spoke 
with discontent, and uttered ominous words about the defeat of 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 437 

Jahfoddr Shdh. The victory of Farrukli Siyar became the hope 
of every man in the army, great and 'small. Ealich Eh&n 
Bah&dur and Mahammad Amin Eh&n, both of them leaders of 
the men of Tdr&n, had come to an understanding with Farrukh 
Siyar, and endeavoured to bring on a battle. Zd-l fik&r Eh&n 
and Eokalt&sh Eh&n considered themselves loyal and devoted 
servants ; but their envy and hatred of each other appeared in 
all their acts, and everything that one did was opposed by the 
other. * • 

On the 16th ZI-1 hijja the armies confronted each other, and 
the battle began by Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah Eh&n attacking Jah&n- 
dar's army. * * The repulse of the Saiyids of B&rha drew 
shouts of victory from Jah&nd&r s army. But Saiyid ' Abdu-llah 
Kh&n came up and attacked the centre, in which Jah&nd&r was 
present. * * Fright seized the elephants of the suindna. The 
elephants which carried L&l Eunwar and the singers and 
eunuchs were worried by the arrows; they began to dance 
and became .violent. Some of Jah&nd&r's companions also were 
overcome with fright, and thought of fleeing. Just at this time 
Jah&nd&r Sh&h's elephant became unmanageable, and his driver 
lost all control over him. The fierce attack of the B&rha Saiyids 
threw Jah&nd&r^s army into confusion, and he now heard of the 
death of Eokalt&sh Eh&n and * *. He was so disheartened 
that he mounted the elephant of L&l Eunwar, and, t(»ward8 the 
end of the day, moved off, with the intention of flying to Agra. • 

Z&-1 fik&r Eh&n was informed of these facts ; but although the 
day was going hard with him, he struggled on until one watch of 
the night, waiting to be assured of the truth about Jah&nd&r Sh&h 
and Prince A^azzu-d din ; for he said, '' If they find A'azxu-d din, 
let them bring him forward quickly, for with his support I can 
repulse the enemy ."^^ No trace of him was to be found. Zu-1 fikar 
Eh&n had not the heart to persevere, although he might with a 
little exertion have made Farrukh Siyar prisoner, for the Prince 
was in front of him, protected by only a^small force. According to 
common report, Jah&nddr Sh&h shaved off his beard, and riding 



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438 KHAFr KHAN. 

behind L&I Kunwar, took the road to Dehli. Zd4 fik&r Kh&n 
having lost all hope^ repaired to his &ther at Dehli, and he and 
Jah&nd&r Sh&h reached that city within one watch of each other. 
Jahdnd&r Sh&h proceeded alone to the house of ^afli-d daula 
Asad Ehfin, to seek his counsel and assistance. Zu-1 fik&r £h&ii 
reached his father'iB house soon after, and said that if Jahand&r 
Sh&h was sent off to the Dakhin or K&bul, another army might 
be raised, and something might be done to retrieve the position. 
Asafu-d daula, however, perceived that the matter was beyond 
remedy, that Jah&nd&r Sh&h was not fit to reign, and that money 
for one month'^s expenditure would be difficult to raise; so he 
thought the best course was to send Jah&nd&r to the fort, and 
keep him under restraint. * * The reign of Jah&nd&r Sh&h had 
reached only eleven months when he met his death from the 
hands of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar. 



Reign of Sultan Muhammad Farrukh Sitar, Son of 
'AziMU-sH Shan, Son of Bahadur Shah, Fourteenth in 
Descent from AmIr TImur. 

[vol. ii. p. 707.] When Prince ''Azimu-sh Sh&n, eldest son 
of Bah&dur Sh&h, left the siiha of Bengal, to proceed to the 
Dakhin, in obedience to the summons of the Emperor Aurangzeb, 
he placed his middle son, Farrukh Siyar, as his deputy in the 
suba of Bengal, * * and Farrukh Siyar remained acting as 
deputy of his father in Bengal until Bah&dur Sh&h returned 
from the Dakhin to L&hore. in the year 1122 a.h. (1710 a.d.), 
in the fifth year of the reign, the mba of Bengal was taken from 
Farrukh Siyar, and given to A^azzu-d daula Kh&n-kh&n&n. 
Farrukh Siyar was recalled to Court, and starting on his journey, 
he got as far as 'Azim&b&d, i.e. Patna. For personal appearance, 
and for intelligence, he was not held in the same esteem by his 
father as his elder brother, Muhammad Karim, or his younger 
brother, Muhammad Hum&yun Bakht. So his coming to Court 
was disagreeable to his father. On reaching Patna, Farrukh 



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MUNTAZHABTJ-L LUBAB. 439 

Siyar, alleging a want of money and the approach of the rainy 
season, made a stay in the environs of that city. * * 

When Farrukh Siyar received intelligence of the death of 
Bah&dur Sh&h, he caused the khutba to be read and coins to be 
struck In the name of 'Azimu-sh Sh4n. ♦ • 

Husain 'AI( Kh&n B&rha was acting as deputy of 'Azirau-sh 
Sh&n in the silbaddri of Patna, but at this time he had gone out 
into the country to punish some robbers. When he heard that the 
name of ^Azimu-sh Sh&n had been placed in the khutba and on the 
coins, before the defeat of his three brothers had been ascertained, 
he felt very sorry for and suspicious of Farrukh Siyar. The 
Prince, on his side, had observed the high courage of the 6&rha 
Saiyids, and the sway of Husain 'Ali Kh&n in that Bitba had 
deeply impressed him. He addressed kind and friendly letters to 
Husain, inviting him to his side. The mother of Farrukh Siyar 
also interceded with Husain ^Ali, and promises and engagements 
having been made, doubt and suspicion were changed into brotherly 
concord. 

The intelligence of the death of ^Azimu-sh Sh&n, and of the 
victory of Jah&nd&r Sh&h reached Patna. Thereupon Farrukh 
Siyar, in the beginning of Bpabi'u-1 awwal, 1123 a.h., struck coins, 
and had the khutba read in his name, and day by day he entered 
into closer relations with Husain ' Ali. Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah Kh&n, 
otherwise known as Hasan 'All Eh&n, was Skbaddr of All&h&b&d, 
and during these troubles about the succession the treasure of 
Bengal had come into his possession. He was considered a man of 
courage and judgment. Some intimations of his suspicion and 
mistrust, and of his want of obedience to the profligate Jahand&r, 
reached Farrukh Siyar. So the Prince wrote him re-assuring 
letters, informing him of the compact he had made with his 
brother Husain 'AH. He also gave him permission to retain the 
treasure and to enlist troops. Husain ''All also wrote what was 
necessary on the subject, and removed all doubt from his mind. 
Afker that the two brothers, who were chiefs of the brave B&rha 
Saiyidsy worked heart and so\il to assist Farrukh Siyar. New 



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440 KHAFr KHAN. 

engagements were openly and secretly exchanged, and they set 
about making preparations for the great emprise^ with hearts full 
of hope and in union with each other. 

March of Farrukh Siyar from Patna. 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 715.] Farrukh Siyar march^ from Patna 
towards Dehli with his two faithful generals, also with Saf-shikan 
Kh&n, who held the deputy subad&rship of Orissa, and * * 
other devoted followers, amounting in all to twenty-five thousand 
horse. He was in difficulty as to money. Out of the royal 
treasure, and of the treasure arising from the jdgir of ^Azimu-sh 
Sh&n that was sent from Bengal that year, nearly twenty-eight 
Iocs fell into the hands of Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah Kh&n. About 
seventy-five lacs came into the possession of Farrukh Siyar, and 
he borrowed two or three Iocs from the merchants of Patna. Of 
all the treasure that fell into the hands of Sarbuland Kh&n, 
Fat^'dar of Karra, he kept some laca, and the remainder he 
carried, with the help of hired carriers, to Jah&nd&r Sh&h. On 
arriving with it, Jahdnd&r was pleased with him, and made him 
Siibaddr of Ahmad&bad in Gujar&t. [ Victory over Jahdnddr.'] 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 724.] After the victory of Muhammad 
Farrukh Siyar had been loudly proclaimed, the men of Saiyid 
^Abdu-llah Kh&n began to search among the dead for Husain 
'All Kh&n. They found him lying senseless, and he had been 
stripped naked by plunderers ; but the moment the good news of 
the victory of Farrukh Siyar fell upon the ears of the wounded 
man, new life came into his body, and he got up and went to his 
brother Saiyid ^Abdu-Uah Kh&n. 

Jah&nd&r Sh&h remained a night in A!gra. He and Zu-1 fik&r 
Kh&n arrived at Dehli within a watch of each other.^ ♦ • 
Asafii-d daula saw that Jah&nd&r's ^ course was run, and sent 
him to the fort, to be kept in custody. He said to his son 
Zu-1 fik&r, who opposed this violent course, ^^ It is our duty to 

> See suprdf p. 438. '' He is now called Mu*i£zu-d din.. 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 441 

render obedience to whomsoever of the House of Timfir the 
sovereign power devolves; so, as Jah&nd&r Sh&h has been 
removed, we must betake ourselves to the other." The counsel 
of .^Lsafu-d daula in restraining his son was * * wise and appro- 
priate ; but he did not know that it would result in the loss of 
his son's life and of the honour of his house. 



Personal to the Author. 

[vol. ii. p. 726.] I have already said in my Pre&ce, that 
it is the duty of an historian to be faithful, to have no hope 
of profit, no fear of injury, to show no partiality on one side, 
or animosity on the other, to know no difference between friend 
and stranger, and to write nothing but with sincerity. But in 
these changeful and wonderful times of Farrukh Siyar B&d- 
shkh, * * men have shown a partiality or an animosity to 
one side or the other exceeding all bounds. They have looked 
to their own profit and loss, and turned the reins of their 
imagination accordingly. The virtues of one side they have 
turned into faults, while they have shut their eyes to the &ults 
of the other — ^passing all the bounds of moderation. The writer 
of these, leaves, who, following his own inclination, has wasted 
his days in authorship, has not been partial either to friends 
or strangers, and has flattered neither nobles nor wafskrs in 
the hope of reward. What he himself saw, what he heard 
from the tongues of men who from time to time were the 
associates of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, and from the Saiyids 
who were his companions at the banquet table and in battle, 
that he has honestly committed to writing, after endeavour- 
ing to arrive at the truth when statements varied. But as 
notes of various occurrences and transactions did not reach the 
author, and as, through distress and the unfriendliness of fortune, 
he was unable to procure paper for his rough drafts, and as dis- 
crepancies in the various statements became greater, if it should 
appear that in any place the author differs in any particulars from 



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442 KHAFr KHAN. 

other histories and writers, who themselves may not be free from 
partiality, and as variations wiU appear in the most trustworthy 
histories, he begs that his stories being excused, they may not 
be made a target for the arrows of censure, but that the pen of 
kindness may be drawn over his hasty statements. 

Appointment of Ministers, 

[vol. ii. p. 727.] After the victory * ♦ Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah 
Eh&n, Lutfu-Uah Eh&n Sfidik, and other amirs were sent to 
arrange matters at Dehli. Farrukh Siyar, after a week's rest, 
started for that city, and encamped in the environs on the 11th 
Muharram, 1124 a.h. (Feb. 9th, 1712 a.d.). Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah 
Eh&n received the title of Kutbvrl Mulk and Ydr-i noafadar 
Zafar Jang^ with other &vours, and a mansab of 7000 and 
7000 horse, do-aspas and sih-aspas. Husain ^Ali Khan received 
the title of Amiru-l umard Flrw Jang, with a mansab of 7000 
and 7000 horse. He also received other honours, and was 
appointed to the office of Mir-BakhshL Muhammad Amin 
Eh4n was entitled rtirnddu-d daula ; his mansab was increased 
1000, and he was appointed second Bakhshi. Ealich Eh&n'*s 
mansab was augmented from 5000 to 7000 and 7000 horse ; he 
received the title of Nizdmu-l Mulk Bahadur Fath Jang, and 
was appointed Sitbaddr of the Dakhin.^ [Many other promotions 
and appointmentsJ] 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 730.] Farrukh Siyar had no will of his 
own. He was young, inexperienced in business, and inattentive 
to affairs of State. He had grown up in Bengal, &r away from 
his grandfather and father. He was entirely dependent on the 
opinions of others, for he had no resolution or discretion. By 
the help of fortune he had seized the crown. The timidity of 
his character contrasted with the vigour of the race of Timur, 
and he was not cautious in listening to the words of artful men. 

^ Tliis was the origin of the Niz&ms of Haidar&b&d. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 443 

From the beginning of his reign he himself brought his troubles 
on himself. One great &ult he committed at the outset of his 
reign, in appointing Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, a Saiyid of B&rha, to 
the office of wazir, which is such a high and important trust that 
former kings always bestowed it upon wise, great and high- 
minded men, remarkable fer patience, experience, clemency and 
affability, whose qualities had been tested by long experience. 
* * [The various appointments] sowed the seed of enmity in 
the hearts of both parties, and the watering it received from 
malicious calumnious people brought it to maturity. 

Mir Jumla^ had risen into the King's favour. He was a 
friendly, generous, and upright man (diydnat)^ from whom many 
received kindnesses ; but he was unwilling that the reins of the 
government of Hindfist&n should pass into the hands of the 
B&rha Saiyids. When he saw that the sovereign power was 
entirely under the control of the two brothers, he could not 
suppress his envy and rivalry. By lauding the interest and 
sympathy shown to the Emperor by his new associates, he 
gained his point, and stirred up dissensions between hira and 
the B&rha Saiyids. According to common report, it was he 
who was the prime mover in recommending the destruction of 
the old hereditary nobles, and also of overthrowing the &mily 
of Asafii-d daula. The two brothers were not inclined to bear 
patiently Mir Jumla's invidious and provoking interference in 
their affairs, and every day they overstepped the bounds of sub- 
ordination and duty. It has been commonly reported that the 
Saiyids prompted and shared in the execution of Zu-1 fik&r Khan 
Nusrat Jang; but I will now relate what I have ascertained from 
sure sources. 

Murders^ and other Punishments. 

^afu-d daula and Zu-1 fik&r Khan came with their hearts full 
of doubt and apprehension to wait upon the Emperor. Amiru-l 

1 << His original name was 'Abdu-llah. He reoeiyed the title of Mir Jumla directly 
after Fairokh Siyar's accession." — Tazkira^i ChaghatdL 



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444 KHiCFr KHAN. 

umard Hasain ^Alf Khdn, having been informed of the con- 
saltation and desires of Mir Jumla and the Emperor^ sent a 
message to Asafu-d daula, promising him that, if he would 
wait upon the Emperor under his (Hasain Kh&n's) introduction, 
not a hair of his head should be injured. Some other nobles, 
when they heard of this advice, disapproved of it, and sent 
Takarrub Kh&n, who was a man of Tran, and chosen for being a 
compatriot, to Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n, to console him, and to assare 
him, after taking the most sacred oaths, that his introduction to 
the Emperor by Husain 'AH Eh&n would be productive of nothing 
but repentance and danger to his life and property. * * Mir 
Jumla having brought Asafu-d daula and Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n, 
fastened the hands of the latter to his turban, and thus presented 
them. Asafu-d daula spoke two or three words, expressing sor- 
row for his offences and hope of pardon. Farrukh Siyar spoke 
with apparent kindness, ordered (Zu4 fik&r Kh&n's) hands to 
be released, and made presents of robes and jewels. He then 
told Asafu-d daula to return home, and said that there was some 
business about which he wanted to consult with Zu-1 fik&r Xh&o, 
and that Zu-1 fik&r Kh&n should sit down in an outer tent. 

The father saw that his son was doomed, and with a swelling 
heart and tearful eyes he repaired to his tent. Zu-1 fik&r Khan 
washed his hands of life, and having prepared himself for death, 
he went to the place appointed. He was surrounded by cnnkrs and 
their men (chelas). First, with bitter words, they demanded of 
him the blood of 'Azimu-sh Sh&n and Muhammad Karim, and 
he replied to them with rough and sharp answera. Thereupon 
L&chin Beg, entitled Bah&dur Dil Kh&n, and according to com- 
mon report, one of the chelas^ came behind Zu-1 fik&r £h&D, 
threw a thong (tasma) ^ round his neck unawares, and pulled it 
tight. The chelas surrounded him on all sides ; they struck him 
with sticks and their fists and kicked him ; others used their 
knives and daggers, and never ceased till they had despatched 
him. 

^ The Turkish howstring. 

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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 445 

On the same day the order was given that men should go into 
the fort, to the tirpauliya^ a small and dark room in which 
Jah&nd&r Sh&h was confined, and despatch him also with the 
thoDg, Muhammad Farrukh Siyar entered the city and fort on 
the 17th Muharram (15th Feb. 1712 a.d.)i and gave orders that, 
in retaliation for violent acts against his brothers and the amir9^ 
his head should be stuck upon a spear, and carried round the 
city on an elephant, with the earc^e lying in the hotcda. The 
corpse of Zii-l fik&r was ordered to be hung head downwards from 
the tail of the elephant. After thus being paraded before the 
people, the bodies were to be brought into the city and thrown 
down at the gate of the fort. 

Directions were also given that Asafu-d danla should be 
placed in a palankin and conducted along with his zandna — and 
carrying only the clothes and appurtenances which he and his 
attendants stood upright in — to the house of Kh&n-Jah&n, there 
to be kept in confinement and under guard. An order of con- 
fiscation was also made against the household effects of father 
and son, and the effects of Kokalt&sh Kh&n, B&ja Sabhd Chand, 
and some others connected with Jah&nd&r Sh&h, who had in- 
curred the anger of the Emperor and of Heaven. R&ja Sabh& 
Chand abused the oflicials, and so an order was given for 
cutting out his tongue. [More executions.'] 

In common conversation the title of L&chin Bes: was chansred 
into the nickname Tasma-kash (thong-puller). As men were 
subjected to this punishment of the thong without ascertainment 
or proof of offence, such a terror of it seized the hearts of the 
nobles of the reign of Aurangzeb and Bah&dur Sh&h, that when 
any one left his home to attend upon the Emperor, he took fare- 
well of his sons and family. Matters went to such a length that 
actors and mountebanks got a living by exhibiting the newly- 
invented punishment of the thong. * ♦ Hakim Salim had been 
one of the personal attendants upon 'Azimu-sh Sh&n, and it was 
said that the Prince was killed at his suggestion. Mir Jumla 
invited the hakim to his house, and treated him sumptuously at 



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446 KHXPr KHAN. 

night ; but before morning men were sent to his door, and they 
strangled him. The deaths of several victims were attributed by 
evil report to Mir Jumla. 

[Text, vol. ii. pb 737.] An order was made that the reign of 
Jah&nd&r Shah should be considered as an adverse possession, 
and that the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar should date 
from the 1st Rabi'u-l awwal^ 1123 a.h. (April 8, 1711 a.d.). 

After Nizdmu-l Mulk Bah&dur Fath Jang arrived in the 
Dakhin, the might of his hereditary sword and his own sound 
judgment brought about, as they had done before, a great abate- 
ment of the ravages perpetrated by the Mahrattas upon the 
country and upon caravans, widiout his having to resort to war 
with the vile foe. But wherever Nusrat Jang and D&ud Eh&n 
went, the Mahrattas made their incursions, and levied the 
chauth. 

Second Tear of the Beign (1124 a.h., 1712 a.d.). 

[voL ii. p. 737.] * After the death of Aurangzeb, B&ja Ajit 
Singh of Jodhpur showed his unworthy character by rebuiBding 
the temples and destroying the mosques in his territory. When 
Bah&dur Sh^h had fought against and overcome Muhammad 
A'zam Shdh, he formed the design of chastising the B&ja, and of 
ravaging his country and the territories of other impious RajpitU. 
But events would not allow him to prosecute his intention, and he 
had to march to the Dakhin against his younger brother Mu^ 
hammad K&m Bakhsh. In the reign of Bah&dur Sh&h also Ajit 
Singh and other vicious Rqjpida were guilty of many improper 
acts. Bah&dur Sh&h, on returning from the Dakhin, again 
resolved to lead an army to chastise this perverse tribe. The 
revolt of the Sikhs and the troubles they caused obliged him to 
abandon the enterprise, and to march against the Sikh revolters. 
Upon the accession of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, the Rq/pitis 
did not show proper allegiance, and therefore Amiru^l umard 
Husain 'Ali Kh&n and the Emperor's maternal uncle, Sh&yista 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 447 

Eh&n, were sent against them, with other amirs and a suitable 
army. 

B&ja Ajit Singh, apon learning of the march of this army, 
was alarmed at its strength and at the prowess of the Saiyids. 
He sent his property and &mily into the hills and strong places, 
and, having cleared his countiy, he sent envoys to Amiru-l 
umard with presents, suing for peace and forgiveness of his 
-offences. Just at this time several letters arrived from Saiyid 
^Abdu-llah Kh&n, informing his brother of the intrigues and 
malice of their rivals at Oourt, , and urging him to return. 
AmirU'l umard Husain 'Ali consequently concluded a peace 
with Ajit Singh, the B&ja s^eeing to pay tribute, to send his 
daughter for Farrukh Siyar, and his son to pay homage* 
Having made this settlement, Amim-l umard left Sh&yista 
Kh&n, the King^s uncle, to bring the girl, while he went on to 
Oourt. 

'Abdu-llah Eh&n and Husain 'AH Khan desired that no 
mansabs or promotions or appointments to office should be made 
without consulting them. The Emperor had given Mir Jumla 
authority to sign his .name, and repeatedly said, *' The word of 
Mir Jumla and the signature of Mir Jumla are my word and 
ray signature." KiUbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah had given to 
his diwdn, a grain*dealer named Batan Chand, the title of B&ja, 
and a mansab of two thousand, and he had reposed in him 
authority in all government and ministerial matters. This man 
attended to nobody^s business without some underhand arrange- 
ment for the benefit of Saiyid 'Abdu41ah Khan and himself. 
When an aspirant resorted to Mir Jumla for a mamab^ for pro- 
motion, or for an appointment to office, he, acting uprightly as 
the deputy of the Emperor, wrote his signature and satisfied the 
applicant. This practice was contrary to all the rules of the 
tpozirs office ; it weakened the authority of the Saiyids, and was 
the cause of great annoyance to the two brothers. Mir Jumla 
also often exhibited his own devotion to the Emperor by com- 
plaining of and blaming the Saiyids, and he persuaded him by 



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448 KHAFr KHAN. 

various proofs that such high offices and ministerial authority 
were above the abilities of the Saijids of B&rha. By various 
unworthy artifices he brought forward evidence of their dis- 
loyalty, and by malicious statements made in private, he 
succeeded in turning the heart of Farrukh Siyar against the two 
brothers. He repeatedly urged the Emperor to make Husain ''Ali 
and ''Abdu-llah Kh&n prisoners. They went out on a hunting 
excursion to the garden of Muhsin Kh&n, and by various repre- 
sentations, he tried to stir the Emperor up to take the bold step 
(of seizing them), but he did not succeed. Report says that 
Farrukh Siyar's mother, remembering the promise and agree- 
ment he had made with the two brothers, gave information of 
this secret intrigue to Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Kh&n. 

Another work which the common talk of all classes attributed 
to the influence of Mir Jumla, and in which it is probable the 
Saiyids of B&rha had no part, was the blinding of the Princes. 
A'^azzu-d din, son of Jahand&r Sh&h, aHer the flight of his 
father from the field of battle, hid himself in ^gra, but he was 
discovered and taken. Muhammad Hum&yun Bakht, younger 
brother of Farrukh Siyar, was only ten pr eleven years old. 
Wal&-tab4r was son of Muhammad A'zam Sh&h. All these 
were deprived of sight. In retribution of this (cruelty), Farrukh 
Siyar's son, a child of two years old, was suddenly taken fi^m 
him by death. 

At this time Amiru-l umard Husain 'Ali preferred a claim to 
the Subaddri of the Dakhin, with the intention of adopting Zu-I 
fik&r Khdn's practice of discharging the duties of the office by 
deputy. His plan was to appoint D&iid Kh&n as his deputy, to 
agree with him on a total sum to be paid annually, while he 
iiimself would remain at Court. But the Emperor, in consultation 
with Mir Jumla, desired that Husain 'x\li should go in person to 
the Dakhin. It was necessary to accept or reject the conditions, 
and Amiru-l umard Husain "AH, after considering the course 
pursued by the King and Mir Jumla, refused to go to the Dakhin 
and leave his brother (alone at Court). A strong altercation 



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MTJNTAKEABU-L LUBAB. 449 

arose, and matters went so far that both brothers re&ained from 
going to Court and waiting upon the Emperor ; they even medi- 
tated the levying of soldiers and throwing up lines of defence 
round their residence. 

The Emperor called together for private consultation his 
well-affected nobles, who had taken part in his councils with 
Mir Jumla, Kh&n-daur&n and Muhammad Amin Eh&n, and 
every day he brought forward a new proposition. Reports of 
these dissensions and of the dearness of grain caused un- 
easiness and disturbances in the cities far and near. After a 
great deal of correspondence, and the mediation of the mother 
of the Emperor, who went to see Kuthu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-Uah 
at his house, and satisfied him, it was agreed that the Saiyids 
should make their o\m arrangements in the fort, and that both 
brothers should then attend the darbdr. Accordingly the men 
of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah and of Husain 'All were posted in various 
places under their direction ; the brothers then went to wait upon 
the Emperor, to ask pardon for their offences. They complained 
of the Emperor^s change of feeling, and, taking off theb swords, 
they laid them before him, and said, ^^ If, through the words of 
detractors, suspicion of us has found its way into your gracious 
mind, order , that we should be put to death upon the spot, or 
deprive us of our mamaba and send us to the holy temple. But 
to let the suggestions of calumniators and the words of mischief- 
making designing men operate to the insult and to the injury of 
the life and property of &ithful servants, is &r from being the 
practice of just-minded kings." 

To put away strife, and lay the foundations of peace, it was 
settled that Mir Jumla should depart to the mba of 'Azim&b&d 
(Patna) before Amirvr-l umard Husain 'Ali started for the 
Dakhin. So with all despatch Mir Jumla was presented with his 
robe, and was sent off to Patna. Amiru-l umard further stated 
to the Emperor, " If in my absence you recall Mir Jumla to your 
presence, or if my brother, Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, again 
receives similar treatment, you may xely upon my being here 
YOL. yn. 29 



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450 KRKFX ZHAN. 

from the Dakhin in the course of twenty days.*" He made 
another stipulation that the removal from and appoiutment 
to aMj'dgirs and offices, and the change of commandants of forts, 
should be under his control. The Emperor was in such a 
difficult position that he deemed it advisable to comply. More- 
over, according to common report, he nolens volem delivered over 
with his own hand to Amiru-l umard his signet ring, so that the 
farmdns appointing commandants of forts should not require the 
royal assent. For four or five months after the departure of 
AmirU'l umard there was a cessation of these excitinjQr scenes. 



"O 



Nizdmu-l Muik, 

[Text, vol. ii. p. 742.] Niz&mu-l Mulk Bah&dur Fath Jang, 
after receiving his appointment as Sdbaddr of the Dakhin, went 
to Khujiata-bunydd (Aurangab&d). It has already been stated 
that the fame of the sword of this renowned noble put a stop to 
the ravaging of the country and the plundering of the caravans, 
which the forces of the Mahrattas practised every year, without 
his having to fight with either the army of Raja S&hu or Tfir6 
B&{. But as the hands of the Mahrattas stretched everywhere, 
their agents appeared in all places according to usage to collect 
the chauth, that is to say, the fourth part of the land revenue of 
every district, which they levied every year. Niz&mu-l Mulk's 
pride was too great to submit to this, and he was desirous of 
preventing the collection of chauthy and especially in the neigh- 
bourhood of Aurang&b&d. He wrote orders to the faujddrs and 
zila'ddrSy directing them to oust the kamdish-ddn of Bfija Sihu 
from- several places dependent upon Auraug&b&d. 

After the 'i^rf-t fitr^ in the second year of the reign, he went 
out with five or six thousand horse and a strong force of artillery 
to settle the country, and repel any attempt of the enemy's 
army. * * None of the Mahratta chiefs had the courage to 
face him, but fled at his approach; so, after satisfying himself 
as to the state of the country, and chastising some rebels, he 



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MUNTAKHABU-L LUBAB. 451 

returned to Aarang&b&d, where he arrived at the beginning 
of Zi-1 hijja. After his return, the Mahrattas summoned up 
courage enough to begin plundering the caravans in remote 
districts. There was a caravan proceeding from Surat and 
Ahmad&b&d to Aurang&b&d, and Muhammad Ibr&him Eh&n 
Tabrizf, Sakhshi and Wdki'-nigdr of Bagl&na, who with a party 
was travelling along with that caravan, was killed. In Eajab 
of the second year of the reign, 1125 (July, 1713), the enemy 
assembled twenty-three kos from Aurangfib&d, at a fort called 
Pan&h-garhi, which they had built, as in other sMaSy as a 
place of refuge for themselves in their retreats. [^Defeat of 
the Mahrattasj and desftruction of the forts by Nizdmu-l MuWs 
lieutenants.'] 

Basain ^Ali Khan in the Dakhin. 

[Text, vol, ii. p. 750.] Intelligence arrived [in the Dakhin'] 
of the appointment of Amiru-l umard Husain ^Ali Kh&n to the 
Subaddri of the Dakhin, a^ad of the despatch of a sanad appoint- 
ing Naj&bat Eh&n Subaddr of Burh&npur for civil affairs, and 
Haidar Kuli Kh&n his diwdn for revenue matters. Niz&mu-l 
Mulk accordingly left Aurang&b&d at the beginning of Safar, 
with the intention of proceeding to Oourt, and got as far as Bur- 
h&npur. There he found that t